@article { author = {Hafeznia, Mohamadreza and Faraji, Mohamadreza}, title = {Place Nonidentity and Failure of Political Movements; Case Study: Bahrain Protest Movement After Destroying the Lolo Square}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {1-23}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction  Social Searching for identity and its roots sets in “habitat” as a conceptual subject in geography and it is used increasingly. Identity has the link with three foundation characteristics: (geographical) place, space (networks and social relationship) and time(history). So identity be affected by such characteristics. Specifically, each place takes its identityfromthree major factors: 1- Natural specific factors, 2- Observableactivitiesandfunctions3- Concepts and symbols. Therefore, the man can be considering as the most important factorin place. People have different images from differentplaces in their minds. Whereas the emotions have the effect on the environment perception in one hand and shaping the human mentality picture in other hand, such mentality pictures giving the identity to place. Such a place arises some other conceptions of identity like: sense of place, place attachment, dependency of place and so on. In this regard,we canmention the certain placesthataresignificanceto their peopleand they are important role in developing their nationsideologues and values.   In other words, some places have the strategic functions in emerging political movements and their persistence to achieve their goals. Such places that are mostly central places (squares and main streets) in the capital cities, they become arenas of political oppositions. Such asRed Square in Moscow, Triumph organ in Paris, Tian a Men SquareinChina and so on that are considered as a symbol ofnationalism. The aim ofsuch a research is explanation the role of central places at political movements as well as success and failure in achieving their goals particularly based on Bahrain political movements in Lolo Square. Accordingly, the main question is this: at what extent destroyingLolo Square by the ruling Al Khalifa has effected on the Bahrain political movements?   Methodology The hypothesis that prepare to answer such a research question is: destroying Pear Roundabout as a main symbol of Bahrain protesters and their identity due to disperse the protest movement and it would seem that such a position brings about repressing the political movement by ruling Al Khalifa. In comparison to other political movements in Arabian countries, Bahrain political movement admitted to reform the political structure.    Findings To explanation such a research hypothesis has been attempted to design the theoretical model on the basis of theoretical literature which is consist of the geographical impact of central places on the political movements.  It is worth noting that, such a model illustrates the relationship between place and (political) identity, so in order to prove the application such a model has been attempted to survey the political trends in Bahrain through showing the timeline from the beginning (in 2011) to the late of 2012(indeed its include before and after destroying the Lolo Square).    Conclusion In conclusion, we could found from such a research that: Bahrain Government by considering such a fact that Lolo Square has the core role in political movement to achieve the success. apart from so, it has emerged as an identity symbol among protesters, thus decided to destroy such an identity symbol in order to control the political movement and disperse it. Finally, such an event (destroy the identity place) lead to control and disperse the protest population. As well as we couldn’t observe any significant political changes in Bahrain after destroying in spite of subsequent demonstrates.   this research was done by descriptive and analysis method. Also the data was collected by means of log method from the international credible agencies. The analysis method at this research is qualitative analysis that is done based on reason, logic and explanation of the authors after data collection.  }, keywords = {Place Identity,Central Place,Lolo Square,Political Movement,Bahrain Government}, title_fa = {بی‌هویتی مکانی و ناکامی جنبش‌های سیاسی مطالعه موردی: حرکت‌های اعتراضی مردم بحرین پس از تخریب میدان لؤلؤ}, abstract_fa = {هویت​های مکانی برآیند ادراک، احساس و نوعی تعلق جمعی به مکانی خاص است که متناسب با فرهنگ سیاسی هر جامعه​ای، کنش​های سیاسی متفاوتی را در پی دارد. جنبش​های سیاسی با حضور و در ادامه، اشغال و مقاومت در مکان‌های مرکزی، خاصه در شهرهای پایتختی، به آن مکان​ها هویتی اعتراضی و نمادین می‌دهند و آنجا را مقرّی برای برآوردن خواسته​های خود از طرف دولت مرکزی می‌دانند؛ یکی از مصادیق این مکان​های اعتراضی و با هویت، میدان لؤلؤ بحرین در جریان حرکت​های اعتراضی این کشور در بهار عربی است؛ که در تاریخ 18 مارس 2011 توسط دولت مرکزی تخریب شد. آنچه در بررسی رویدادنگاری حرکت​های اعترضی مردم بحرین و رفتار دولت در تخریب میدان لؤلؤ مشاهده می‌شود، این است که حکام آل​خلیفه متأثر از تحولات همزمانی که در دیگر کشورها در منطقه خاورمیانه در حال وقوع بوده و با علم به اینکه مکان​های با هویت در پیروزی جنبش​های سیاسی و حرکت​های اعتراضی نقش محوری دارند؛ اقدام به تخریب میدان لؤلؤ کردند و بر اساس مطالب گردآوری شده به​صورتی شد که تخریب میدان نمادین لؤلؤ یکی از دلایل اصلی ناکامی حرکت​های اعتراضی در بحرین بوده است. مقاله حاضر با روش توصیفی و تحلیلی و با شیوه رویدادنگاری از خبرگزاری​های معتبر بین​المللی به گردآوری داده​ها پرداخته است. روش تجزیه و تحلیل پژوهش از نوع کیفی بوده که براساس استدلال، منطق و تبیین نگارندگان پس از گردآوری اطلاعات صورت گرفته است. }, keywords_fa = {هویت مکانی,مکان مرکزی,میدان لؤلؤ,جنبش سیاسی,دولت بحرین}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55767.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55767_4bb3b40a270e447e16743fa2c53ef39d.pdf} } @article { author = {Etaat, Javad and Dabiri, Aliakbar}, title = {Study of the Spatial Dimensions of Terrorism}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {24-47}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Intrduction  Although terror and terrorism are not new phenomena in the world and its history back to the formation of policy and governance, but in the last decades of twentieth century with the development of technological and communicational tools, proliferation of advanced weapons, complex organizing, jobbery of authorities, and formation of ethnic, national and ideological incentives, power and role of terrorist groups and organizations has been increased. Terrorism has become one of the major challenges of the 21st century. Growth and expansion of terrorist attacks in recent years has caused specialists to focus on explain of the reasons of formation and growth contexts and expansion of this phenomenon and analysis of its various aspects. Among the various aspects of terrorism and terrorist attacks, spatial dimension has attracted particular interest of political geographers. There are a few geographical studies in terrorism literature, and most of them are deprived of a conceptual framework. These conditions and factors provide the need for identifying spatial dimensions of the phenomenon in order to have philosophy and certain nature for geographic studies of terrorism.   Methodology This article seeks to answer this question that “what spatial dimensions does the terrorism have? To answer the question, this article has used descriptive-analytic method. The required data is collected through library resources, documents, statistical data of scientific websites and International reports in connection with the terrorist attacks.   Discussion Geographers in general and political geographers in special have little interest in studying terrorism. Therefore, geographers’ contribution to development of terrorism concept is minimal. In order to draw a specific theoretical framework for geographic studies of terrorism, spatial dimensions of terrorism and terrorist attacks would be identified and analyzed. These dimensions can be discussed in six questions. 1- In which spaces does terrorism arise? (Which spaces create terrorism) 2- Which places are targeted by terrorists? 3- What is the territory purpose of terrorists? 4- In which scale and geographical territory do terrorists act? 5- What geographical methods and techniques are used by terrorists? 6- Which geopolitical and spatial reflections do the terrorist attacks have?   Conclusion Political geographers have to identify and analyze spatial dimensions of terrorism and terrorist attacks as a political phenomenon. Evaluation of the spatial dimensions of terrorism illustrates this phenomenon structurally and functionally which is one of the geospatial analysis capabilities. Structural aspect of geographical study of terrorism explores the impact of territorial and geographic factors, characteristics and motivations on formation of this phenomenon. While the functional aspect of geographic study of terrorism pays attention to use and impact of terrorism and terrorist attacks in the geographical space.   Structural aspects What spaces do create terrorism? What is the territory and geographical purpose of terrorists?   Functional aspects Which places are the targets of terrorists? In which scale and geographical territory do terrorists act? What geographic methods and techniques are used by terrorists? Which geopolitical and spatial reflections do the terrorist attacks have?}, keywords = {Terrorism,Terrorist Attacks,Geographical Analysis,Spatial Dimensions}, title_fa = {بررسی ابعاد مکانی- فضایی تروریسم}, abstract_fa = {تروریسم اگرچه از نظر ماهیت پدیده سیاسی محسوب می‌شود، اما دارای ابعاد و جنبه‌های مختلف اجتماعی، اقتصادی، فرهنگی، روانی و مکانی نیز می‌باشد که توسط متخصصان رشته​های مرتبط بررسی می‏شود. در این میان، ارزیابی ابعاد مکانی- فضایی تروریسم و حملات تروریستی به​دلیل ماهیت سیاسی این پدیده، در رشته جغرافیای سیاسی موضوعیت پیدا می‌کند. مسئله اصلی پژوهش حاضر نیز که با روش توصیفی_ تحلیلی انجام پذیرفته است، شناسایی و تبیین ابعاد مکانی- فضایی تروریسم است. نتایج حاصل از این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که تروریسم شش بعد مکانی و جغرافیایی مهم دارد. نخست فضاهای که تروریسم در آنها شکل می‌گیرد، دوم مکان‌هایی که تروریست‏ها هدف قرار می‌دهند، سوم قلمروخواهی سازمان‌های تروریستی، چهارم مقیاس جغرافیایی عملکرد گروه‏های تروریستی، پنحم ابزارها و تکنیک‌های جغرافیایی مورد استفاده آنها و ششم بازتاب‌های فضایی و ژئوپلیتیکی حملات تروریستی. برخی از این ابعاد دارای ماهیت ساختاری و تعدادی نیز به رفتار تروریست‌ها مربوط می‌شود. بنابراین تروریسم هم به​لحاظ ساختاری هم از جنبه عملکردی دارای ابعاد مکانی- فضایی مهمی است.}, keywords_fa = {تروریسم,حملات تروریستی,تحلیل جغرافیایی,ابعاد مکانی- فضایی. ‏}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55768.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55768_7412605e27b17bc785fbd601aa4d42ea.pdf} } @article { author = {Mosalanejad, Abbas}, title = {Policy Making of Internal Solidarity in Strategic Field of Islamic Republic of Iran}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {48-72}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Policy makers of internal solidarity in different countries use different models. Such a process is closely related with “governance practices”. In Iran, strategic policy making processes have been focused on “patterns of internal solidarity” as well as “collective action programs”. Policy making of internal solidarity is a function of structural necessity in institutionalized political systems. That is why all policy makings including policy making of internal solidarity in strategic fields requires decision, decision making and modeling. The process that has begun in the form of “nuclear diplomacy” and has been executive in August 2015 with Vienna Agreement, the so-called “Comprehensive Program of Joint Action”. The “system analysis model” is necessary is required to explain the symptoms of internal solidarity. The realization of such goals can be seen as recognition of the “elements of strategic targeting”, “identifying strategic area”, and “target recognition in stability of strategic action cycle” and also “role of the aim in the implementation of mission of structures”.   Methodology  Each of the research methods in relation to strategic issues has its own application in the decision-making process. This study can be achieved based on a matrix between authority processes, procedures of the use and the exercise of power. Because any policy making of internal solidarity will require signs of power to inspire, control, guide and organize players in the line with specific objectives. Using “linear programming” and “operational research”, this article attempts to answer this question: “what has been features and process of policy making of internal solidarity in strategic fields of Iran with an emphasis on diplomacy and nuclear agreement?” The main hypothesis is formulated so that “policy making of internal solidarity in strategic fields of Iran will focus on guidance mechanisms, unofficial norms and models with adaptive action.”   Research findings Hypothesis test was conducted based on assessment of six influential variables on the process of diplomacy and strategic issues of Iran. In this article, the necessity of strategic fields of Iran that created the groundwork for nuclear diplomacy, has been evaluated in terms of content and has been analyzed by experts based on the six variables. Each of these components and processes can be seen as part of Iran’s strategic policy imperatives (necessities) in interaction with the surroundings.   Analysis and Conclusions The results show that the policy making of internal solidarity is a response to the regional and international environmental threats. Since a wide range of regional environmental threats have affected national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it is natural to use the mechanisms that create the necessary fields to control the threats and to increase Iran’s role in international politics. That is why the issue of internal solidarity in strategic fields of Iran is linked to issues such as détente, trust building, peaceful coexistence, effective (helpful) interaction, normalization and strategic multilateralism.  }, keywords = {Policy Making of Internal Solidarity,Strategic Fields,Nuclear Diplomacy,Comprehensive Program of Joint Action}, title_fa = {سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی حوزة راهبردی جمهوری اسلامی ایران}, abstract_fa = {لزوم دستیابی به توافق درباره موضوعات راهبردی، زمینه‌های لازم برای انسجام درونی کارگزاران و ‏نظریه‌پردازان را اجتناب‌ناپذیر می‌سازد. موضوعاتی همانند «سرعت تصمیم‌گیری»، «یادگیری نهادی» و «کنش ‏براساس حوزه صلاحیت» محور اصلی انسجام درونی موضوعات راهبردی تلقی می‌گردد. تحقق چنین ‏فرآیندهایی برای «خروج از بحران» در روند دیپلماسی هسته‌ای ایران و کشورهای گروه 1+5 معنا می‌یابد. ‏هدف اصلی مقاله حاضر را می‌توان پاسخ به موضوعات راهبردی پیچیده از طریق «سیاستگذاری انسجام ‏درونی» دانست. مفروض مقاله بر این امر تأکید دارد که سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی محور اصلی موفقیت ‏دیپلماسی هسته‌ای و تنظیم برنامة جامع اقدام مشترک محسوب می‌شود. دیپلماسی هسته‌ای برای کاهش ‏تحریم‌ها و ایجاد رابطة متقابل تا آگوست 2015 ادامه یافته است. این امر، زمینة توافق راهبردی را به‌وجود ‏آورده که مبتنی بر جلوه‌هایی از انسجام درونی حوزة راهبردی است. با توجه به چنین نشانه‌هایی پرسش ‏اصلی مقاله آن است که: «سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی حوزه‌های راهبردی ایران با تأکید بر موضوع دیپلماسی ‏و توافق هسته‌ای دارای چه ویژگی و فرآیندی بوده است؟» فرضیه مقاله نیز معطوف به فرآیندی است که: ‏‏«سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی حوزه راهبردی ایران معطوف به سازوکارهای هدایت، هنجارهای غیررسمی و ‏الگوهایی با کنش توافقی خواهد بود.» ‏متغیر وابسته مقاله «سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی حوزه راهبردی ایران با تأکید بر فرآیند دیپلماسی هسته‌ای» ‏است. تحقق این اهداف از طریق سازوکارهای متغیرهای مستقل یعنی «کنش توافقی، هنجارهای غیررسمی و ‏سیاست هدایت کارگزاران و گروه‌های اجتماعی» حاصل می‌شود. رهیافت و چارچوب نظری مقاله مبتنی بر ‏‏«حکمرانی شبکه‌ای اتزیونی» است. حکمرانی شبکه‌ای مبتنی بر توافق کارگزاران و نهادها در حوزة راهبردی ‏در فرآیند رقابت و کنش متقابل است. مقاله حاضر از روش «برنامه‌ریزی خطی» و «تحقیق عملیاتی» استفاده ‏شده است. ‏}, keywords_fa = {سیاستگذاری انسجام درونی,حوزة راهبردی,دیپلماسی هسته‌ای,برنامة جامع اقدام مشترک.‏}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55769.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55769_fdada2e6ea4ed6886b1eefb52a95ce9c.pdf} } @article { author = {Zarghani, Seyed Hadi and Razavinejad, Morteza}, title = {Investigation of the Spatial Distribution of Voting Patterns in the 11th Iranian Presidential Election}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {73-104}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Electoral geography discusses geographical aspects of elections and referendums, organization of such events (particularly their results), and cultural and economic conditions at different local, regional, and national levels (Moyer, 2000: 225). The most important issues in electoral geography include spatial organization of elections, spatial diversity in voting patterns and the relationship between demographic indexes, the effect of environmental and spatial factors on the voters’ decisions, spatial patterns of representation, and the role of such components as power and politics in voting patterns (Kavianirad, 2013: 34). An extensive spectrum of situational and geographical factors influences electoral decisions, and, in general, each study discusses only one aspect of this spectrum. Spatial analysis of election results can, in addition to better identifying the effective factors as well as the fields and factors that can affect the voting process, present a specific spatial perspective to determine the approach of each constituency towards the candidates as well as the elections (Zarqani & Raqzavinejad, 20143:54). The 11th Iranian presidential election was held in 2013 with a favorable participation of Iranian people. The present study analyzes the spatial distribution of the candidates’ voting and identifies the voting patterns governing this election.    Methodology Th The research is applied in terms of its purpose and is a descriptive-analytic in terms of its nature. The library and field finding method will be used for collecting the required data. Since all the electoral votes are counted in this research, sampling is not considered. GIS and Excel are used for classification as well as analysis of data. Geographic Choropleth map is used to show the results using the natural breakpoints model.   Findings Various factors and variables are involved in people’s decision for voting in favor of one or more candidates. Some of these variables are related to the voter personality. For example, personal characteristics such as age, gender, education, religious beliefs, ethnicity, and spatial attachment play role in the person’s decision for voting in favor of a certain candidate. Other effective variables are dependent on the personal characteristics of the candidate. And, finally, political, economic, ideological, cultural, and social variables – in both macro and micro scales –influence citizens’ electoral behavior.  In the 11th Iranian presidential elections, the neighborhood variable played an effective role in the voting basket of all the candidates, particularly Rezai, Ghalibaf and Rouhani’s votes. Qarazi obtained the most votes from residents of Isfahan. Jalili’s voting pattern was influenced most by the support he received from the Steadfast Front in Qum Province. In other words, the ideological factor was the most important variable in Jalili’s voting pattern. Through his “Geographical Justice and Supporting Distribution of Power and Wealth among all Iranian Ethnic Groups” motto, Rezai managed to attract a great number of votes in Iran’s southwestern provinces where different ethnicities reside. Apparently, Qalibaf’s activities as Mayor of Tehran were evaluated as positive by many citizens in Tehran since, after Khorasan Razavi and Northern Khorasan Provinces (where he was born), the most votes in favor of Qalibaf came from Tehran Province. The spatial distribution of votes in favor of Rouhani as a reformist candidate at the provincial level indicated that the greatest number of votes in his favor came from the border provinces as well as provinces with large ethnic and religious minorities including Sistan and Baluchistan, Kurdistan, Western Azerbaijan, and Kermanshah. In fact, the religious-ethnic variable definitely plays prominent role in Rouhani’s voting basket. This is not unprecedented in the more recent history of Iranian presidential elections since reformist candidates - with their mottos promoting equal economic and political opportunities for all and supporting the rights of religious-ethnic minorities – have always scored high voted in these regions. In addition, Rouhani obtained about 50% of all his votes in Semnan, his birth place. This indicates the effective role of the neighborhood and the birthplace variables in Rouhani’s voting basket. Accordingly, we can conclude that Rouhani’s spatial voting pattern simultaneously benefitted from the neighborhood, religious-ethnic, and political economy variables as well as the hierarchical needs voting pattern.   Conclusion The results show that different personal, social, economic, cultural, and political factors and variables at both macro as micro levels affect the electoral behavior of people. Analysis of spatial voting patterns of candidates can greatly assist in the study and identification of these variables. The following factors influence Iranian people’s electoral behavior, ultimately leading to formation of different voting patterns for the candidates; ethnicity and ethnic groups’ behavior; religious and ideological variables; the neighborhood variable and the effect of birthplace; the economic variable and type of economic base; and personal and personality traits of both the voters and the candidates.  }, keywords = {Electoral Geography,spatial analysis,Iran’s 11th Presidential Election,The Natural Breakpoints Method,Iran}, title_fa = {بررسی و تحلیل الگوی فضایی پراکنش آراء در انتخابات یازدهم ‏ ریاست جـمهوری ایران}, abstract_fa = {جغرافیای انتخابات در حقیقت کاربست جغرافیای سیاسی در نتایج انتخاباتی بر حسب حوزههای اداری است ‏و در آن نقش عوامل و عناصر جغرافیایی در فرایند گزینش سیاسی شهروندان در قالب انتخابات سطوح ‏محلی، ملی و فراملی مورد بررسی و تبیین قرار می‌گیرد. مطالعه الگوی آراء کاندیداها و عوامل جغرافیایی ‏مؤثر بر آن یکی از موضوعات مطرح در جغرافیای انتخابات است. به‌عبارت دیگر، تصمیم سیاسی رأی‏دهندگان و توزیع جغرافیایی آراء کاندیداها در مناطق مختلف، در قالب الگوهای فضایی آرای کاندیداها قابل ‏مطالعه است. این الگوهای جغرافیای و فضایی در آراء بازتابی از تمایزات و خواست گروه های اجتماعی- ‏اقتصادی یا گروه های قومی و نژادی است و هر چه خواست های مردم در مناطق متنوع تر باشد پیوستگی در ‏الگوی رأی نیز از بین خواهد رفت. پژوهش حاضر به‌دنبال بررسی و تحلیل الگوهای آراء کاندیداها در ‏یازدهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ایران است. این پژوهش از حیث ماهیت و روش توصیفی – ‏تحلیلی است و تلاش شده است با استفاده از مدل نقاط شکست در محیط نرم افزار ‏Arc GIS، تفاوت های ‏فضایی آراء کاندیداها استخراج و در قالب نقشه ها نمایش داده شوند. نتایج پژوهش منطبق بر نقشههای ‏کروپلت نشان می دهد در الگوی رأی کاندیداها به‌ویژه آقای رضایی، قالیباف و روحانی متغیر همسایگی ‏نقش برجستهای داشته است. علاوه بر این الگوی رأی آقای جلیلی متأثر از متغیر ایدئولوژیک، آقای رضایی ‏متأثر از متغیر قومیت، آقای قالیباف متأثر از عملکرد در کسوت شهردار تهران و آقای روحانی پیروز انتخابات ‏متأثر از متغیر قومیت و مذهب و به‌عبارت دقیقتر رأی اقلیت های اکولوژیک، اقتصاد سیاسی و الگوی رأی ‏سلسله مراتب نیازها بوده است.‏}, keywords_fa = {جغرافیای انتخابات,تحلیل فضایی,انتخابات یازدهم ریاست جمهوری,روش نقاط شکست طبیعی,ایران.‏}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55770.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55770_3bddc5c683361789e56d437660f5c96b.pdf} } @article { author = {Lashgari, Ehsan}, title = {Explanation of the Strategic Importance of Cyber Space Management and Geographic Zone Control}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {105-123}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Geopolitics experts have continually recognized that paying attention to physical and human conditions of different regions make a distinction between political importances of regions in the world. So, many of geopolitical theories and thoughts is basically about important regions in the world. Therefore, in the applied realms of geopolitics, thinkers have struggled with encouraging the politicians for influence, dominance or management of these important regions; secure the interest of their states. Obviously, the political significant of different regions is not constant in all of the time; especially upgrades of human making factors changes their political importance. One of the human making phenomena that have deep effective on geopolitical studies is cyberspace. With increasing dependence of societies to this network, this question is come up that “could we take consider Silicon Valley as strategic region which control and manage the cyberspace?” In other words, “is there any possibility to accord the indicators of strategic region with characteristics of Silicon Valley?”   Methodology  The research is basic in terms of its goal and is descriptive- analytic in terms of nature and method. Data gathering procedure is based on library finding. Data analysis will be done using qualitative and quantitative analysis methods, and conclusion will be done using the two methods.   Discussion  Silicon Valley region has very important roles in internet management. In other words, there are some institution in this region that present special severs in the realm of information technology and internet network that other organizations and institutions in other regions cannot present these servers. Technical conducting of internet network was exerted from Silicon Valley and it is managed by this region.    Conclusion  With increasing dependence of states and individuals to cyberspace, controlling place of cyberspace region in the Silicon Valley should have taken consider as strategic region. In other words, unrivaled functions of information institution and organization in this region accorded indicators and definition of strategic region.  }, keywords = {Internet,Strategic region,Management,Control,Cyber space}, title_fa = {تبیین اهمیت استراتژیک حوزۀ جغرافیایی مدیریت و کنترل فضای مجازی}, abstract_fa = {اندیشمندان ژئوپلیتیک در طول سدۀ گذشته همواره درصدد بودهاند که به فراخور شرایط طبیعی و انسانی؛ ‏اهمیت ژئوپلیتیک برخی مکانها و مناطق را پررنگتر نموده و سیاستمداران را جهت نفوذ، تسلط و مدیریت ‏این‌گونه فضاها ترغیب نمایند. بدیهی است اهمیت سیاسی مکانها و فضاهای جغرافیایی در طول زمان ثابت ‏نبوده و به‌ویژه ممکن است تحت تأثیر عوامل انسانساخت دچار تحول و بازساخت گردد. در این راستا ظهور ‏شبکۀ اینترنت یکی از پدیدههای انسانساخت دهههای اخیر است که فضای جدیدی را برای مطالعات ‏ژئوپلیتیک گشوده است. یکی از موضوعات بسیار مهم در مطالعه بُعد سیاسی فضای مجازی، اهمیت بی‌بدیل ‏حوزۀ جغرافیایی مدیریت و راهبری شبکه اینترنت در منطقه سیلیکون‌ولی است به‌نوعی کنترل و راهبری شبکۀ ‏اینترنت را در اختیار دارد و با توجه به وابستگی روزافزون افراد و حکومتها به آن به‌نظر می‌رسد از اهمیت ‏فزایندهای برخودار گردیده است. بنابراین پرسش مقاله حاضر این است که آیا امکان اطلاق صفت استراتژیک ‏به حوزۀ اصلی کنترل و مدیریت‎ ‎فضای مجازی در منطقه سیلیکون ولی وجود دارد؟ در سیر انجام این تحقیق ‏کوشش گردیده با رویکردی توصیفی - تحلیلی ضمن واکاوی دقیق مفهوم منطقه استراتژیک، شاخصهای ‏کارکردی حوزۀ جغرافیایی مدیریت فضای مجازی با این تعریف مقایسه گردد. یافتههای تحقیق نشان می‌دهد ‏که امروزه حوزۀ جغرافیایی راهبری و کنترل فضای مجازی با توجه به اهمیت فزایندهای که شبکه سایبر در ‏ساختار ادارۀ جوامع و ارائۀ زیرساخت مناسب جهت بهینه‌سازی حکمرانی حکومتها پیدا کرده از اهمیت ‏استراتژیک برخودار شده و می‌توان حوزۀ جغرافیایی را به‌مثابه مصادیق جدیدی از مفهوم منطقه استراتژیک در ‏نظر گرفت.‏‏}, keywords_fa = {شبکۀ اینترنت,منطقه استراتژیک,مدیریت,کنترل,فضای مجازی}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55771.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55771_cff1e46b0920ee26b19df8bb3d045bad.pdf} } @article { author = {Amirzadeh, Mohamadreza and Zeinali, Sadegh and Zamanirad, Hojjat}, title = {The Role and Status of the Shiite Values in Public Diplomacy; Case Study: Iran and Iraq Shiites}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {124-150}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Islamic values in general and Shiite values in particular have unique capacity for Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. Thus, in this article the main question is “what is the role and position of Shiite values in increasing the influence and power of I.R.I in Iraq through public diplomacy?” the research hypothesis is that “Shiite values as a common cultural background between Iran and Iraq have significant positive impact on Iran’s increasing public diplomacy success in Iraq.” In conclusion, by the approval of this hypothesis, some suggestions and strategies of utilization of this capacity will be provided.   Theoretical Framework & Methodology Constructivism as a new approach and with an interesting philosophy, by emphasizing on subjectivity and identity, formulates new knowledge of the issues and solutions in international relations. In this context, public diplomacy with emphasis on value opens new and wide arena of foreign policy that no longer confined to formal activities. So, constructivism can show the role of values in shaping the character and identity and provides the base of the concept for public diplomacy. Accordingly, this paper chaises this approach as its theoretical framework. This study will also attempt to examine the issue by descriptive- analytic method and in order to collect the data, while taking advantage of library resources and due to lack of written resources in this field, this paper will use interviews with political experts. The article is an applied research and will use qualitative analysis method.   Research Findings In this part of the research, theoretical and practical achievements in the form of findings will be explained. It has two parts: in the first part the Islamic Republic of Iran's goals in Iraq will be discussed. Because operational suggestions cannot be proposed for Iran's diplomacy in Iraq provided that these objectives are known. The next part of the research findings, will give more specific proposals to promote Iran’s public diplomacy in Iraq based on four main Shiite values. The goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Iraq are: to maintain democracy in Iraq; participation of all Iraqi parties in politics; the management of evolutions in Iraq. Four main Shiite values are: justice; fight against tyranny; defending the oppressed and Imamat. Shiite values as a common cultural background between Iran and Iraq could be applied as a factor in increasing success of Iran’s public diplomacy in Iraq. Shiite values as an independent variable can play an important role in promoting public diplomacy as the dependent variable. In other words, there is a significant correlation between the two variables. This means that the more Shiite values bring the more capacity of public diplomacy of I.R.I in Iraq.   conclusion Iran should help Iraq move quickly towards consolidation and establish its territorial integrity amongst all groups as an accepted principle. In this way, foreign policy based on public diplomacy and the benefit of common Islamic and Shiite values can maximize Iran's national interests. Since Iran is known as a symbol of a Shiite country in the region, promotion of Iran's position among regional countries will promote the status of the dignity of Shi'ism. Accordingly, any proposal to upgrade the status of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be accounted for the promotion of Shi'ism.  }, keywords = {constructivism,Public Diplomacy,Shiite Values,Iran,Iraq}, title_fa = {نقش و جایگاه ارزشهای شیعی در دیپلماسی عمومی}, abstract_fa = {سازه انگاری به عنوان رهیافتی نوظهور اما با فلسفه ای جذاب در روابط بین الملل با تأکید بر «ذهنیّت و هویّت»، صورت بندی نوینی از مسائل ‏و راه حل های این دانش ارائه می کند. در همین چارچوب، دیپلماسی عمومی با تأکید بر ارزش ها ـ که مؤلفه ای بسیار مهم در شکل دادن به ‏ذهنیت و هویّت هستند ـ عرصه ای جدید و گسترده در زمینه سیاست خارجی می گشاید که دیگر منحصر به فعالیت های رسمی و شناخته ‏شده نیست. بر این اساس، ارزش های اسلامی بهصورت عام و ارزش های شیعی بهصورت خاص با فصل های مشترک بنیادینی که میان ‏ایران و کشورهای منطقه برقرار می کند؛ ظرفیتی کم‌نظیر برای سیاست خارجی نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران است. بنابراین، در این مقاله به ‏این سوال اصلی پرداخته شده است که: «ارزش های شیعی در افزایش قدرت و نفوذ ایران از طریق دیپلماسی عمومی در کشور عراق چه ‏نقش و جایگاهی دارند؟» و با استفاده از روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و بهره بردن از منابع کتابخانه ای این فرضیه مورد آزمون قرار گرفت که: ‏‏«ارزش‌های شیعی به‌عنوان زمینه فرهنگی مشترک میان ایران و عراق، در افزایش موفقیت دیپلماسی عمومی ایران در عراق تأثیر مثبت و ‏معناداری دارد». در نهایت، با تأیید شدن فرضیه مذکور، پیشنهادات و راهکارهایی برای بهره برداری از این ظرفیت ارائه شده است.‏ }, keywords_fa = {سازه انگاری,دیپلماسی عمومی,ارزشهای شیعی,ایران,عراق.‏}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55772.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55772_62454abd10b79bbc3562d5ecb9fca3ef.pdf} } @article { author = {Sazmand, Bahareh and Joukar, Mehdi}, title = {Regional Security Complex, Dynamics and Relationships Patterns of the Persian Gulf region Countries}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {12}, number = {42}, pages = {151-177}, year = {2016}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Interodaction Studying the patterns of relationship among the States in Persian Gulf _ as a sub-complex of regional security_ is the main issue that illustrates the security structure of such a region as well as the attitude‌ of such States’ authorities toward the security issues in their periphery area. It is worth noting that the high level of rivals and tensions among countries in such a region, On the one hand reflects their security concerns to their neighbors and on the other hand, it reveals their inability to follow a regular pattern among themselves.    Methodology The search method at this paper is based on descriptive analysis and data collection is done by means of library and Internet websites. The study of exist patterns at relationships among such countries and how emerging them has a great importance at analyzing the structure of Persian Gulf region. By considering the fact that mentioned above, this paper is done based on the Barry Buzan theory named “regional security complex”. The main research question that has been formulated in this paper is: what are the relationship patterns in Persian Gulf’ security sub- complex?    Findings The first step to respond above question is studying the forming contexts to the action patterns among Persian Gulf countries. In the second step, identifying the representations of those contexts which forming action patterns among such players. On the basis of research finding, four main areas in both physical and spiritual factors are studied that caused animosity / friendship patterns. Subnational and transnational identities as spiritual factors involving: religious identities (Shia and Sunni) and ethnic identities (Kurdish, Arabic, Persian). Also some physical factors such as oil, struggle for regional hegemony and external intervention factor (coverage) have been studied.   Conclusion To sum up It is worth noting that by dominant the rival pattern (sometime hostile) among States relationship in such a regional security complex due to emerge political challenges as ‘territorial – boundary disputes’ as well as contrasting visions for regional good order among Persian Gulf countries (specifically Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries).  }, keywords = {Persian Gulf,Regional Security Complex,Relationship Patterns,Barry Buzan}, title_fa = {مجموعه امنیتی منطقه‌ای، پویش‌ها و الگوهای روابط ‏ کشورهای حوزه خلیج ‌فارس}, abstract_fa = {بررسی الگوهای روابط کشورهای واقع در منطقه خلیج‌فارس از جمله مسائل مهمی است که بیانگر ساختار امنیتی این منطقه و نوع نگاه ‏دولتمردان این کشورها نسبت به مسائل امنیتی محیط پیرامون خود است. وجود سطح بالایی از رقابت و تنش در روابط کشورهای این ‏منطقه نشانهای از نگرانیهای شدید امنیتی همسایگان نسبت به یکدیگر و حاکم بودن فضای رقابتی بین آنهاست. بههمین دلیل بررسی ‏الگوهای روابط این کشورها و زمینههای شکلگیری چنین الگویی از اهمیت بالایی در تحلیل ساختار این منطقه برخوردار است. در این ‏مقاله سعی شده است بر پایه نظریه مجموعه امنیتی منطقهای بری بوزان این مساله مورد بررسی قرار گیرد. بنابراین پرسشی که در این مقاله ‏مطرح شده به این صورت است که؛ بر اساس نظریه مجموعه امنیتی منطقه‌ای، چه الگوهای روابطی در زیرمجموعه امنیتی خلیج‌فارس ‏وجود دارد؟ در پاسخ به این پرسش می‌توان گفت، به‌دلیل وجود شکافهای هویتی، اختلافات بر سر نفت، کشمکشها برای برتری‌جویی ‏منطقه‌ای و حضور عامل مداخله‌گر خارجی (پوشش) شاهد تسلط الگوی رقابتی در روابط کشورهای این منطقه با یکدیگر هستیم.‏}, keywords_fa = {خلیج‌فارس,مجموعه امنیتی منطقه‌ای,الگوهای روابط,بری بوزان.‏}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55773.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55773_9595dbb7610d93eb1dc2b3c4b79c3f03.pdf} }