@article { author = {Mossalanejad, Abass}, title = {NATO’s Regional Security Policymaking to Confront with Chaos-Generating Indications}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {1-37}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Chaos Theory in the political and strategic literature is returned to the years after 1980s. “Turbulence in World Politics” theory was first introduced by James Rosenau. Later, others, such as Brzezinski and Lucas attempted to adapt such a strategy to new realities of international policy. End of bipolar structure can be considered as an introduction to the emergence of chaos-generating mechanisms in international policy. In the chaotic world, regional actors and the great powers need security and strategic policymaking to control and restrict the effects of political chaos. Regional security policymaking can be realized under chaotic conditions through unilateral, institutional, and identity- based mechanisms. This article attempts to discuss and evaluate three levels of regional security. In such process, formation of some traces of strategic cooperation among the great powers and regional actors is normal. NATO has accomplished part of the regional security policymaking during the first two decades of the 21st century. In 1999 and on the fiftieth anniversary of NATO, European and American security theorists put the first step toward regional security policymaking in terms of concepts such as “defense of common values”, “collective security”, and “confront with new threats”. In such a process, Anders Fogh Rasmussen was commissioned by NATO theorist in 2012 Chicago Summit to organize the issue related to “Smart Defense” to confront with the post-cold war security threats.   Methodology This article is tried to answer the main question and subordinate questions using theoretical frame of “security institutionalism” by data analysis and content analysis methods. The article’s main question emphasizes this case that “what were the features of regional security policy of NATO in the years after cold war and how it could influence security of regional countries such as Iran?” according to the article’s main question, subordinate questions about regional security policy of NATO are as follows: What are the features of regional security policy of NATO after cold war? What are the symbols of international security institution’s acts after cold war? What are the effects of NATO’s extension and in what process have arrived to Iran’s strategic area? According to which concepts and symbols NATO’s action pattern have been formed in Iran’s security region? Article’s assumption has been adjusted based on dependent and independent variables. In this article “regional extension is considered as a dependent variable while we should consider “regional security policy of NATO” as an independent variable. Based on such variables, we can discuss this assumption that “regional security policy of NATO” is a function of Collective security, encountering new threats, advocating confederates and common leadership in the years after the Cold War.        Discussion and Findings We can observe regional security symbols in the form of confronting strategic, operative and tactics threats’ mechanism by north Atlantic contract. Now, there is a wide range of NATO’s military in Afghanistan, also other part of NATO’s member countries play a role in regional crises such as Middle East and North Africa. NATO’s contract expanded its strategic activities according to 26 countries participation to confront with terrorism in Afghanistan and WMD (Weapons of Mass Destruction) in Iraq after 11 September event in 2001. Regional security process shows that a new level a NATO’s combat mission has been started related to what is called “asymmetric threats” to confront with chaos maker’s actors.   Conclusion Extension changes have been occurred in concepts, combat mission, structure and strategy of NATO during the two periods: after the cold war and 11 September event. Its sample was approved in section 31 of new concepts’ document of NATO’s strategy due to fiftieth anniversary of NATO’s establishment. New definitions of concepts such as “common values ‘defense”, “Collective Security” and “new Threats” was presented and new trans- Atlantic combat mission was augmented. These missions can create NATO’s fundamental development-oriented basis to the security borders beyond the recognized borders of NATO. New Threats are cases such as terrorism, extreme nationalism, drug, political instability, ethnic conflicts, and spread of weapons of mass destruction, weaponry traffic and uncontrolled migration which increase NATO’s member countries assurance to secure in confront with threats.    }, keywords = {chaos,Regional crisis,Common Values,Smart Defense,NATO}, title_fa = {سیاست‌گذاری امنیت منطقه‌ای ناتو در مقابله با نشانه‌های آشوب‌ساز}, abstract_fa = {پایان ساختار دوقطبی را باید به‌عنوان مقدمه‌ای برای ظهور سازوکارهای آشوب‌زا در سیاست بین‌الملل دانست. بازیگران منطقه‌ای و قدرت‌های بزرگ در شرایط جهان آشوب‌زده، نیازمند سیاست‌گذاری امنیتی و راهبردی برای کنترل و محدودسازی نتایج آشوب سیاسی می‌باشند. سیاست‌گذاری امنیت منطقه‌ای در شرایط آشوب می‌تواند از طریق سازوکارهای یک‌جانبه، نهادی و هویتی انجام پذیرد. در این مقاله با استفاده از روش «تحلیل داده‌ها» و «تحلیل محتوا» و با استفاده از چارچوب نظری «نهادگرایی امنیتی» تلاش می‌شود تا سه سطح تحلیل امنیت‌سازی منطقه‌ای در فرآیند سیاست‌گذاری امنیتی بررسی و ارزیابی شود. یافته ها نشان می دهد که امنیت، ماهیت دگرگون‌شونده داشته و تحت‌تأثیر سازوکارهای محیط پیرامونی تغییر می‌یابد. در چنین شرایطی، نهادهای امنیتی نیز وظیفه دارند تا از سازوکارهای لازم برای چندجانبه‌گرایی نهادی و در راستای مقابله با تهدیدهای نوظهور استفاده نمایند. تهدیدهای نوظهور در نگرش بازیگران جهان غرب در قالب «نظریه آشوب» تبیین گردیده است. این نظریه می‌تواند جایگزینی برای رهیافت‌های رئالیستی و نئورئالیستی تلقی شود.  }, keywords_fa = {chaos,Regional crisis,Common Values,Smart Defense,NATO}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55834.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55834_da3da0d4c70cb6f957cdc4abd2d45316.pdf} } @article { author = {Koolaee, Elaheh and Goodarzi, Mahnaz}, title = {The Effect of Normalization of Armenia-Turkey Relations on Armenia-Iran Relations}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {38-70}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Third millennium especially after September 11 has been associated with large changes in different areas and regions. Turkey, Iran and Armenia, as three neighboring countries, have experienced domestic, regional and international dramatic changes. Mountainous Karabakh region of Azerbaijan has occupied by Armenians. In the first years of the 1990s relations between Turkey and Armenia was heavily under the influence of issues such as the alleged Armenian genocide by the Ottomans, but once again has risen. AKP has opened a new chapter in Turkish foreign policy related to neighbors, including Armenia. Although other factors such as energy security and unresolved conflicts continue to rattle Russia's war with Georgia, Turkey will take more attention to the South Caucasus. Armenia and Turkey agreement on April 22, 2009 in Zurich was the peak of meetings and it was seen that they will improve their relations. Caucasus has taken Iran’s attention more than the past. Although unpromising relations between Turkey and Armenia would give Iran an opportunity, but a question arises: "whether the relations between Turkey and Armenia will affect Armenian-Iranian relations or not? To answer this question, we first examined the relations between Turkey and Armenia in the form of analyzable Ahmet Davut Oglu theories. The hypothesis is that improving the relation between Turkey- Armenia does not affect Armenian-Iranian relations. To illustrate this relationship Neo-realism oriented paradigm is used. Turkish and Armenian officials have reached an agreement to normalize relations without considering Karabakh conflict. It is obvious that normalization of Armenia-Turkey relations is not possible without recognition of the massacre of Armenians and settlement of Karabakh crisis. This approach has put Turkish statesmen in a very difficult situation for improvement relations with Armenia. On the one hand, Turkey should appease Azerbaijan about Ankara’s position related to Karabakh, and from the other hand it should not give points to Armenia on the issue of genocide, which would also face Turkey with international responsibilities. In fact, closing the two countries’ borders during the past 18 years has had no positive effect on the settlement of Karabakh conflict, and has also made it more complicated, increased Armenia's security concerns, and prompted Armenia to get closer relation with Iran and Russia. This situation is not desirable for Ankara and, at a higher level, for the Western states. Therefore, Russia has used the interests of Turkey, Armenia, and the Western countries in a more complicated game – whose main goal was originally to put the Western-minded government of Mikheil Saakashvili under pressure– in order to pave the way to improve relations between Yerevan and Ankara. In the view of the mutual needs of Iran and Armenia in various areas, it would be unrealistic to say that rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey will have a negative impact on Armenia’s relations with Iran. Meanwhile, it is essential that Iranian policymakers have a correct and accurate understanding related to the new dynamics of political, security and economic equations of South Caucasus in order to be able to protect their country’s interests in the face of gradual changes in traditional balance of power in this region. Turkey and Armenia are slowly improving bilateral relations but this does not mean that this issue will necessarily affect Iran-Armenia relations in a negative way. While there has been competition between Turkey and Iran (especially over the Syria crisis), but relations between Iran and Turkey have been cordial. Iran and Turkey have common views on some regional issues. Erdogan’s recent visit from Iran proved that despite essential differences over the Syria crisis, both Iranian and Turkish officials share mutual benefits.    }, keywords = {Neo-realism,South Caucasu,Turkey,Armenia,Iran}, title_fa = {تأثیر تحولات روابط ارمنستان و ترکیه بر روابط ارمنستان و ایران}, abstract_fa = {هزاره سوم مسیحی، بویژه بعد از حادثه 11 سپتامبر در حوزه ها و مناطق مختلف با تغییرهای بسیار روبه رو بوده است. ترکیه، ایران و ارمنستان نیز به‌عنوان سه همسایه هم مرز، تغییرات داخلی، منطقه ای و بین المللی چشمگیری را تجربه کرده اند. اشغال منطقه کوهستانی قره باغ در آغاز دهه 1990 روابط ترکیه –ارمنستان را به‌شدت تحت تأثیر قرار داد و سبب شد تا موضوعاتی چون نسل کشی ارامنه از سوی عثمانی بار دیگر مطرح شود. پس از دو دهه قطع رابطه، به قدرت رسیدن حزب عدالت و توسعه فصل جدیدی در سیاست خارجی ترکیه در رابطه با همسایگانش از جمله ارمنستان گشود. البته مؤلفه های دیگری چون امنیت انرژی، ادامه نزاع-های حل نشده و قدرت‌نمایی روسیه در جنگ با گرجستان، سبب توجه بیشتر ترکیه به منطقه قفقاز شد. به‌نظر می‌رسید توافقنامه 22 آوریل 2009 ارمنستان و ترکیه در زوریخ، اوج تجلی اراده دو طرف برای بهبود روابط باشد، اما گذشت زمان اوضاع را به‌گونه ای دیگر رقم زد. از سوی دیگر، قفقاز از گذشته تاکنون، چه به عنوان بخشی از ایران و چه به عنوان حوزه نفوذ آن، همواره مورد توجه ایران بوده است. هرچند روابط تیره ترکیه - ارمنستان فرصت تحرک بیشتری را به ایران می داد، اما با تجدید روابط ترکیه –ارمنستان این پرسش به وجود آمد که: آیا روابط ترکیه –ارمنستان روابط ایران و ارمنستان را تحت تأثیر قرار خواهد داد؟ برای پاسخ به آن نخست به بررسی روابط ترکیه –ارمنستان پرداخته می‌شود که در قالب دیدگاه های احمد داوود اوغلو قابل تحلیل است، سپس با نگاهی به روابط ایران- ارمنستان، تأثیر حضور دوباره ترکیه را در معادلات مربوط به روابط ایران- ارمنستان مورد بررسی قرار گیرد. فرضیه مقاله حاضر این است که: بهبود روابط ترکیه –ارمنستان تأثیر منفی بر روابط ایران- ارمنستان نخواهد داشت. برای تبیین این روابط از پارادایم نوواقع‌گرایی استفاده  شده است.  }, keywords_fa = {Neo-realism,South Caucasu,Turkey,Armenia,Iran}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55835.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55835_5026231eea61e1e180fe770034f0f5c0.pdf} } @article { author = {Azami, Hadi and Heydari, Jahangir}, title = {Modeling of Syndrome of Ethnic Convergence and Divergence Policies in Iran}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {71-100}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Interodaction There are several theories to understand the causes of convergence and divergence in multi- ethnic countries. Each scientific field based on its nature considers to the ethnic issues. Sociologists have referred to structural aspects of the issue such as geographic and human issues of the region, and political scientists consider the issues such as the role of ethnic elites and legitimacy of political system and finally, psychologists consider the mental issues of society. A comprehensive approach to consider the role of different geographic factors (natural or human) is essential. Rational management is one of effective factors. It shows that the governments have reached to the rational understanding and awareness about the existence of weaknesses and potentialities.   Methodology The research methodology adopted here is descriptive- analytic and data gathering procedure is based on library findings.   Research findings Effective factors on the convergence are as follows: firstly, internal factors affecting the convergence include mutual trust between the people and the government, satisfaction of the people, decentralization and de-concentration of industries and decision- making centers, strengthening ethnic identities in direction with national identity, the power of central government to guarantee convergence, promotion of education, constitutional rules and its role in national integration. Secondly, external factors affecting the convergence include development and promotion of cross- border ethnics and cultures, the policies of regional stability, religious centrality of Iran in the region, economic communications with neighboring countries and development of border markets, aggressive policies toward ethnics in neighboring countries. Factors which affect divergence are as follows: firstly, regional and trans-regional factors affecting the divergence include the boundary location of minorities, return in ethnic policies of neighboring countries, geopolitics of the ethnicity and instrumental use of ethnicity in foreign policies, the US hegemony and its effect on the divergence. Secondly, external factors affecting divergence include the factor of religion, ethnicity and language, the topographic structure of Iran inappropriate communicational system, imbalance in participation of ethnicities in political power, the luck of development.   Result and Discussion Divergence and convergence forces are central in determining wherefore of the composition and consolidation of Iran's nation, and their investigation is more vital. Some of these forces have relatively fixed role in divergence and convergence process and some of them are not stable and their function maybe change. So, they can be used in both divergence and convergence processes -depending on political motivations. For example, central government of Iran can employ these forces to develop convergence and national unity and vice versa, interventionist forces and opposition groups can use these forces to collapse national unity. Based on research findings, I.R.I has three options: integrative model, neutralization or maintenance of status quo and divergent model. Each model has its results and consequences.  }, keywords = {Convergence,Divergence,Ethnic Policies,National Cohesion,Iran}, title_fa = {مدل سازی نشانگان سیاستهای همگرا و واگرای قومی در ایران}, abstract_fa = {از آنجا که نیروهای همگرا و واگرا در تعیین چگونگی و کیفیت انسجام ملی، در جوامع چندقومیتی نقش عمده ای دارند، مطالعه آنها از اهمیت خاصی برخوردار است. علل بروز و انگیزه های احساسات و اقدامات واگرایانه و همگرایانه در جوامع چندقومیتی، ریشه و منشاء داخلی دارند. اما بنا به شکل گیری دیدگاه های متعدد ژئوپلیتیک از جانب کشورهای رقیب، پتانسیل مبدل نمودن اقوام معترض و واگرا به یک کد ژئوپلیتیکی را دارا می باشند. بر این اساس همگرایی و واگرایی مفاهیمی هستند که بررسی و تحلیل آنها باید توأمان صورت گیرد چرا که این مفاهیم بر روی محوری قابل تصور هستند که هرچه به سمت مثبت آن پیش رویم انسجام ملی و همگرایی تقویت می گردد و بالعکس هرچه به سمت منفی پیش رویم واگرایی شکل می-گیرد و در نقطه صفر آن حفظ وضع موجود حاکم است. با توجه به این توضیح، در مقاله حاضر مدلی ارائه شده که در سه شکل همگراساز، واگراساز و خنثی قابل نمایش است، این مدل دارای یک موتور محرکه می-باشد که اگر انرژی آن از تعامل تصمیم گیران و تصمیم سازان سیاسی با نخبگان قومی، بر اساس مطالبات‌شناسی تأمین شود، تولید همگرایی می نماید و برعکس اگر انرژی آن از تقابل تصمیم گیران و تصمیم سازان سیاسی با نخبگان قومی، بر اساس دیکته سیاستهای قومی تأمین شود تولید واگرایی می نماید. نگارندگان، با استفاده از روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و با تأکید بر تحلیل عوامل مؤثر در واگرایی و همگرایی کوشش نموده اند تا در قالب مدلی، تأثیر متقابل عوامل مؤثر بر واگرایی و همگرایی با منشاء داخلی و خارجی را به تصویر کشیده و علاوه بر آن دلایل شکل گیری همگرایی و انسجام ملی، واگرایی و حفظ وضعیت موجود در جوامع چند قومیتی را در قالب مدل سه منظوره نمایش دهند.  }, keywords_fa = {Convergence,Divergence,Ethnic Policies,National Cohesion,Iran}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55836.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55836_e4d680aa526390a67e8e3e98a2744507.pdf} } @article { author = {Badiee Azandahi, Marjan and Gholami, Bahdor and Mirahmadi, Fatemehsadat}, title = {A Comparative Study of the Concepts of “Territory” and “Territoriality” in the Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Republic of Iran Constitutions}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {101-134}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Studying the constitutions of countries is considered as one of the major subjects of political geography as governments need to develop and enforce constitution to govern their people in a given territory. Every “constitution”, by appropriately use of the concepts, facilitates the processes of institutionalization, policy-making and legislation as the bases of government. Therefore, some researchers believe that codification of the constitutions is the peak of theoretical and strategic evolution of national (modern) government, because by approving this law, society delegates “authority” and “power” of defining and establishing order to a superior authority, i.e. the “government”. Codification of every constitution follows special condition, such as establishment of a new country after collapse, changing political system after revolution or coup d’état, and special socio-political shifts in a society. In this regard, revolution in every country is one of the most influential factors in codifying constitutions. In the past century, Iran has experienced two major revolutions: “the constitutional revolution” in 1285 and the “Islamic revolution” in 1357. The main achievement of the constitutional revolution was “constitution” and its “amendment” through which Iran, for the first time, gained “national accord document” based on people’s votes, social thought, and organized thinking. The main achievement of the Islamic revolution was developing the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran. However, codifying both constitutions as the outcomes of two revolutions was done based on the socio-spatial situation of the country in two specific times. Hence, the basic concepts of political geography such as “territory” and “territoriality” involve a specific area in each of the constitutions. The present study is intended to expand the literature of political geography of Iran by comparative study of the two concepts of “territory” and “territoriality” in the constitutions of the constitutional revolution and Islamic Republic of Iran.     Research Methodology Descriptive- analytic method is used to compare the two concepts of “territory” and “territoriality” in the “constitution of the constitutional revolution” and the “constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The data gathering procedure is based on library findings.   Results and discussion In political geography, “territory” is one of the major elements of a country which refers to a bounded geographical area in which power is exerted and is governed by a powerful actor called “government”. However, this basic concept might be defined differently in different countries and governments according to their constitution. This can be clearly observed in the constitutions of the constitutional revolution and Islamic Republic of Iran. The given territory in the constitution of constitutional revolution and its amendment was considered as merely a “national territory”, i.e. a space with certain boundary in national governance. Therefore, from the perspective of political geography, one characteristic of this constitution is being “territory-oriented”. But the concept of “territory” in the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran not only covers “national territory” with specified boundaries and limits, but also involves a more expansive and unbounded area, equivalent to the “concept of Ummah”. Accordingly, those principles of the constitution of Iran which refer to the concept of “territory” can be divided into two groups: the first group is the articles which refer to “territory with specified boundaries” under complete governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran, or articles defined within the framework of national territory. The second group is articles in which the concept of “territory” is not considered based on definitions offered in political geography. As, in these articles “territory” lack a specified boundary where complete governance cannot be exerted by Iran. In other words, in these articles the concept of “territory” is synonym with “Ummah” and “beyond the official boundaries of the country”. In constitution of constitutional revolution, among the aspects of “territoriality”, there is only “political organization of the space” and “territoriality”, and there is no article about “territoriality”. In articles related to political organization of space, the type of government, country divisions, boundaries, etc. are addressed. In contrast, articles related to “territoriality” are mostly concerned with nomination of crown prince and transfer of the reign to him, preserve national territory, declaration of war, peace treaties, and prevention of army inhabitance. In the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the concept of “territoriality” includes the three aspects of “political organization of space”, “territoriality”, and “territorialization”. In this respect, it differs from constitution of constitutional revolution. The articles related to political organization of space address the type of government, three powers, velaiat faghieh, managing affairs through public opinions, elections, councils, country divisions, justly distributing resources, implementation of the constitution, religious minorities, etc. In the context of “territoriality”, the articles discussed deal with sustaining the revolution, protecting boundaries, preventing intrusion of foreigners, enhancing defensive forces, preserving independence, unity and land integrity, preserving economic independence, protecting the environments, changing borderlines, preserving Islamic rules and constitution, preserving national territory, safeguarding the revolution, military training, and meeting national interests. “territorialization” is not mentioned in constitution of constitutional revolution, but it is directly addressed in some articles of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its content include Islamic nation, victory of the oppressed in world, Jihad and fight to expand the rule of God in world, freedom and decency of human being, unity of Islamic nations, and the rule of right and justice in the world.   Conclusion In this study, two basic concepts of political geography, i.e. “territory” and “territoriality” in the constitutions of the constitutional revolution and Islamic Republic of Iran were explored. The study indicates that internal and external factors affected the wherefore of codification of these two constitutions and the use of concept of “territory”. Firstly, comparing the concept of “territory” in these two constitutions revealed that this concept is presented in constitution of constitutional revolution according to definitions offered for it in political geography. There is no article in the constitution of the constitutional revolution and in its amendment about “territory” beyond the scopes of country borderlines. In contrast, in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, not only there is such a conception of “territory”, but also in some articles like 11, 152, and 154 “territory” is considered the same as “ Ummah” without any boundary. The main reasons for such a basic difference are first, spatial condition of codification of these laws, and second, difference in the views of legislators toward governance. Also, these two constitutions differ from each other with respect to “territoriality” and relevant aspects (political organization of space, territoriality and territoriality). As, the constitution of the constitutional revolution merely deals with the issues of “political organization of space” and “territoriality”; while in the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, the issue of “territorialization” is considered besides them. The main reason is the “scholastic” nature of this constitution. Most articles of the constitution of constitutional revolution deal with “political organization of space”, whereas in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran most articles concern with “territorialization”. This shows the sensitivity of legislators about “preserving territory” which is somewhat due to the experience of the “failure of constitutional revolution”.    }, keywords = {Constitution,Territory and Territoriality,the Constitutional Revolution,the Islamic revolution,Iran}, title_fa = {مطالعه تطبیقی مفهوم «قلمرو» و «قلمروسازی» در قوانین اساسی مشروطه و جمهوری اسلامی ایران}, abstract_fa = {«قانون اساسی» یکی از موضوعات مهم مورد مطالعه جغرافیای سیاسی است زیرا حکومت‌ها برای اعمال حاکمیت بر قلمرو، منابع و مردم کشور خود، نیازمند تدوین قانون اساسی و اجرای آن هستند. وقوع انقلاب، از پدیده‌هایی است که معمولاً تدوین یک قانون اساسی جدید را در پی دارد. کشور ایران نیز در طول یکصد سال گذشته، دو انقلاب بزرگ را تجربه کرده که به‌دنبال هر دو انقلاب، دو قانون اساسی جدید یعنی «قانون اساسی مشروطه» و «قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی» شکل گرفته است. محور نوشتار حاضر، بر مقایسه دو مفهوم «قلمرو» و «قلمروسازی» و ابعاد آنها در این قوانین اساسی استوار است و در انجام آن از «روش توصیفی تحلیلی» بهره گرفته شده است. نتایج تحقیق، نشانگر تفاوت این مفاهیم در دو قانون اساسی است بدین‌گونه که در قانون اساسی مشروطه، مفهوم «قلمرو» بخشی از فضای جهانی می‌باشد که به یک حکومت معین تعلق دارد، حقوق حاکمیت و مالکیت در آن اعمال می‌شود و دارای محدوده و مرزهای مشخص می‌باشد. اما در قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، نه تنها قلمرو چنین مضمونی را دارا می‌باشد، بلکه در بسیاری از اصول آن مفهومی «فرا قلمرو» ارائه شده است که مترادف با «امت» بوده و چندان قائل به مرزهای کشور نیست. از نظر «قلمروسازی» و ابعاد آن (سازماندهی سیاسی فضا، قلمروداری و قلمروخواهی) نیز این دو قانون متفاوت از هم هستند. به‌عنوان نمونه در «قانون اساسی مشروطه» صرفاً به بحث «سازماندهی سیاسی فضا» و «قلمروداری» پرداخته شده است، درحالی که در «قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی» علاوه بر اینها، «قلمروخواهی» نیز در نظر گرفته شده است. همچنین، در «قانون اساسی مشروطه»، بیشترین اصول در ارتباط با «سازماندهی سیاسی فضا» است. در حالی که در «قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی» بیشترین «اصول» مرتبط با «قلمروداری» است. این تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که علت وجود تفاوت‌ها در مفهوم قلمرو و قلمروسازی، تفاوت در شرایط فضایی و دیدگاه‌های خاص نخبگان و قانون گذاران این دو قانون بوده است.  }, keywords_fa = {Constitution,Territory and Territoriality,the Constitutional Revolution,the Islamic revolution,Iran}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55837.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55837_b71b34a6581b32f3a516b504a44e3a49.pdf} } @article { author = {Valigholizadeh, Ali}, title = {Expounding South Caucasus Geo-economic Importance in the Economic Promotion of Aras Free Zone}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {135-156}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Aras Free Trade and Industrial Zone, known as one of the six vital gateways for Iran's domestic economy to link with global economy, is an output action of various systems in the various spatial scales. In other words, this trade and industrial unit as an economic and spatial structure has commanded by systems which organize it, intrinsically and extrinsically, and seems that the construction of Aras Free Trade Zone extrinsically is the output of specific interactions with the surrounding regions, especially the South Caucasus. Therefore, for this free trade and industrial zone the South Caucasus is one of the most important areas of influence and operation in the transit and trade relations. In particular, this free trade and industrial zone has very high potentials for strengthening cooperation with this region, because of its specific location in the vicinity of the South Caucasus.   Methodology The research methodology adopted here is descriptive- analytic. Data gathering procedure is based on library findings and official data. Data analysis will be done using qualitative and quantitative analysis methods, and conclusion will be done using the two methods.   Results and discussion The geo-economic importance of the South Caucasus in economic development of Aras Free Zone refers to the strategic location of this region as a communicational axis. This position has a special strategic potential to link together Aras Free Zone and peripheral cultural- economic dynamics. Another issue related to the geo-economical importance of the South Caucasus in order to economic development of Aras Free Zone refers to geo-economic position of South Caucasus. South Caucasus, despite experiencing a period of economic instability after independence, because of quite specific geographical-political situation especially ethnic-territorial conflicts, has great economic potentials especially in the energy sector (Azerbaijan), energy transfer and dependence on energy resources, rich agricultural potential, rich potential for deepening tourism relations, industrial facilities (although old but restored) including petrochemical, chemical, machine building, The gradual eliminating the state-based economy, strengthening the economic activity of the private sector, joining to the free market economy, participating in international agreements of energy, becoming as the new center of foreign investment, economic recovery in the context of the international financial supports and support of European states, international competition in economy - trade market of the South Caucasus, South Caucasus’s new economic prestige in the financial markets, particularly the international energy markets, the clear economic outlook for the South Caucasus in case of withdrawal of geographic-economic isolation by deepening domestic and international economic integrations with the peripheral and abroad, neighboring spaces role as the most important communicational channel of the world economy with this region and geo-economic complementary in the trade ties are the advantages of this region which can easily be used in order to economic development of Aras trade-industrial zone.   Conclusion The research scope was to explain the geo-economic importance of the South Caucasus in promotion of economic development of Aras free Zone. Creation of Aras free Zone as a commercial and industrial structure is formed and developed significantly in the mutual interaction with the surrounding spaces, features, capabilities and spatial - economic potentials of the surrounding spaces and even the special nature of spatial interactions in surrounding spaces. So, the South Caucasus is the most strategic space around Aras Free Zone that its importance can be explained in the construction and economic development of Aras free Zone, clearly. Therefore, according to the results of this research, strengthening these collaborations can be considered as a good opportunity to improve the economy of Aras Free Trade and Industrial Zone, because of the following advantages: strategic location of the South Caucasus to link to the international trade markets, the opportunity of use of good potentials of the dynamic emerging economies of the South Caucasus.     }, keywords = {Geoeconomics,Aras Free Zone,South Caucasus,International Trade,Economic Development}, title_fa = {تبیین اهمیت ژئواکونومیکی قفقاز جنوبی در راستای ارتقای اقتصادی منطقه آزاد ارس}, abstract_fa = {منطقه آزاد ارس محصول کنشِ نظام های متعدّد در مقیاس های فضایی مختلف است که از آن به‌عنوان یکی از شش دروازۀ حیاتی ایران در راستای پیوند اقتصاد داخلی با اقتصاد جهانی نام برده می شود. به‌عبارتی، مسیر تحول این سازه فضایی - اقتصادی توسط نظام هایی در حال هدایت است که آن را از درون و بیرون سازمان می دهند و در این بین ساخت یابی منطقه  آزاد ارس در سطح بیرونی محصول تعاملات خاص با فضا‌های پیرامونی بویژه قفقاز جنوبی است. قفقاز جنوبی از مهمترین حوزه های نفوذ و عملیاتی این سازه صنعتی- تجاری در بخش ترانزیت و مناسبات تجاری- اقتصادی است. بویژه آنکه این سازه تجاری - صنعتی به‌خاطر موقعیت فضایی خود در مجاورت قفقاز جنوبی از پتانسیل های بالایی برای تقویت همکاری های مشترک با این سرزمین برخوردار است. طبق نتایج این پژوهش تقویت این همکاری ها بویژه به‌خاطر موقعیت راهبردی قفقاز جنوبی برای ادغام با بازارهای تجاری بین المللی، فرصت استفاده از پتانسیل های خوب اقتصادهای نوظهور اما پویای قفقاز جنوبی و نیز فرصت ورود و جهت دهی به مناسبات تجاری - اقتصادی ایران با قفقاز جنوبی بویژه به‌خاطر ماهیت خاص این مناسبات، فرصت خوبی برای ارتقای سطح اقتصادی منطقه  آزاد ارس محسوب می‌شود.  }, keywords_fa = {Geoeconomics,Aras Free Zone,South Caucasus,International Trade,Economic Development}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55838.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55838_a9748df9bcb4b91d75b2fb92651492f1.pdf} } @article { author = {Veicy, Hadi and Mehmandoost, Khadijeh}, title = {Investigation of the Obstacles of the International Tourism Development in Iran (With Emphasis on Inbound Tourism)}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {197-194}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Tourism is one of important needs of human. This industry has witnessed the most growth and income in the world. Stagnancy or development of tourism in the countries depends on different factors. Iran has a lot of tourism attractions such as cultural, historical, religious, coastal, maritime, natural attractions and climate potentialities. Iran inscribed on the World Heritage List of UNESCO more of its heritages. Therefore, Iran is one of the countries which have some attractions in the world, especially in Middle East. But, Iran does not have suitable situation to attract international tourists in the region and world. Investigation the whys of this situation is the research goal? What obstacles have affected the development of the tourism industry in Iran? This research tries to answer this problem. After considering research literature and background and designing theoretical framework, 8 factors obtained that consist of internal political factor, external political factor, security factor, cultural and religious factor, economic factor, institutional and organizational factor, infrastructural factor and finally touristic attractions factor.    Methodology This research tries to investigate effective obstacles to the development of tourism industry in Iran. The research method adopted here is descriptive-analytic and the data gather procedure is based on library and filed finding. The questionnaire is based on Likert scale and the questions number was 34. Questionnaire reliability is measured by Cronbach‘s coefficient alpha and it was 0.87. The Statistical sample is included academic experts, researchers, managers and executive experts of tourism organizations in Iran. 75 people were selected by simple random sampling method and the questionnaires were distributed among them. 67 people answered them. The data analyzed using SPSS by “one-way ANOVA analyze” and “one-sample T test” to measure the significance of factors and also Friedman test was used to rank factors.   Result and Discussion The results of one-way ANOVA analyze showed that there are significant difference among factors. The results of T test are showed in table 1.   Table 1: The results of T test Factors t Df Sig. (2-tailed) Test Value Interior political 13.525 67 0.000 21 Exterior political -3.976 67 0.000 12 Security -0.896 67 0.374 3 Cultural and religious -0.493 67 0.624 21 Institutional 16.680 67 0.000 18 Infrastructural 9.878 67 0.000 12 Touristic attractions -1.798 67 0.078 3 Economic 9.386 67 0.000 12   After determining the effective factors on Iran’s tourism industry, factors were ranked by Friedman test. The results of Friedman test are showed in table 2.   Table 2: The results of Friedman test Ranks Factors Mean rank Chi-square test 1 Interior political 6.65 N 67 2 Institutional 5.70 Chi-square 155.107 3 Exterior political 5.57 df 7 4 Infrastructural 5.50 Asymp.Sig. 0.000 5 Economic 4.48     6 Cultural and religious 2.93     7 Security 2.66     8 Touristic attractions 2.51       Conclusion The results showed that internal political factor, external political factor, economic factor, institutional and organizational factor and infrastructural factor have significant effect on the development of the tourism industry in Iran. But, security factor, cultural and religious factor and tourism attractions factor do not have significant effect on tourism industry as well as on the obstacles to the development of tourism. The output of Friedman test showed that internal political factor is the most effective factor with mean 6.65 on tourism industry as well as on the obstacles to the development of tourism and then institutional and organizational factor, external political factor, infrastructural factor and economic factor are located, respectively.    }, keywords = {tourism,International Tourists,Obstacles of Tourism Development,Iran}, title_fa = {بررسی موانع توسعه صنعت گردشگری بین‌المللی در ایران با تأکید بر گردشگری ورودی}, abstract_fa = {گردشگری یکی از نیازهای انسان مدرن است و در میان بخشهای مختلف اقتصادی، بیشترین رشد و درآمدزایی داشته است. رونق یا کسادی گردشگری در کشورها به عوامل مختلفی بستگی دارد. ایران به‌عنوان یکی از کشورهای دارای جاذبه‌های فراوان تاریخی ـ فرهنگی و طبیعی دارای جایگاه مناسبی از نظر جذب گردشگر بین‌المللی نیست. از این‌رو، این تحقیق به‌دنبال شناخت عوامل مؤثر بر عدم توسعه صنعت گردشگری در ایران است. روش انجام تحقیق به‌شیوه توصیفی کمی و ابزار گردآوری اطلاعات، پرسشنامه و جامعه آماری 75 نفر متشکل از صاحبنظران، متخصصان و برخی مدیران دولتی بوده است. تجزیه و تحلیل داده‌ها به‌وسیله نرم‌افزار SPSS انجام شده است و از آزمونهای تحلیل واریانس یک‌طرفه و T تک‌نمونه‌ای برای سنجش تأثیر معناداری عوامل بر صنعت گردشگری ایران و از آزمون فریدمن برای رتبه‌بندی عوامل استفاده شده است. نتایج تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که عوامل سیاسی داخلی و خارجی، نهادی و سازمانی، زیربنایی و اقتصادی تأثیر معناداری بر عدم توسعه گردشگری در ایران دارند و عوامل فرهنگی و دینی، امنیتی و جاذبه‌های گردشگری تأثیر معناداری به‌عنوان موانع توسعه صنعت گردشگری در ایران ندارند.  }, keywords_fa = {tourism,International Tourists,Obstacles of Tourism Development,Iran}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55839.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55839_e4fbca7c0bffac1e160e55f7076f0cc7.pdf} } @article { author = {Mousavi, Mirnajaf and Bagheri Kashkooli, Ali}, title = {Geographical Analysis of the Socio-Economic Consequences of the Relocation of the Capital City in Iran}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {11}, number = {37}, pages = {135-227}, year = {2015}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction Capitals play an important role in all countries. One of these roles is political-administrative which often accompanied with the concentration of economic, social, educational activities. High Concentration of different types of activities in Tehran as the capital in recent years has had positive and negative socio-economic consequences and has led to the suggestion of relocation of the capital’s functions in order to reduce these problems. The purpose of this study is investigation of the geopolitical, socio-economic consequences of the relocation of the capital.   Methodology The research method is analytic- descriptive. Statistical sample is the experts of social and economic fields and the sample size is 40 patients that are selected by cluster sampling. Data gathering procedure is based on library and field findings. Structural equation modeling (LISREL) is used to analyze data.   Result and discussion Results of Structural equation modeling related to the capital relocation indicate that the economic concentration would take place in new location, but the capital cannot achieve political decentralization. Also, its population would be increased, environmental crisis would not be reduced and indicators of quality of life (with a coefficient of -0.83) would not be improved. The results of the structural model suggests that there is a direct and strong relationship between organizing Tehran and taking strategies to transfer some functions to the other cities and integrated urban management.   Conclusions Based on the studied factors, it can be concluded that the capital relocation cannot be the best logical solution. Instead of a complete relocation of the capital, if some of its functions transfer to other cities, Tehran would not be attractive to migrate. In this regard, transferring some of industries and organizations to other provinces can help to reorganize Tehran and also can lead to the development of other cities and provinces.      }, keywords = {Geographical Analysis,Relocation of Capital City,Tehran}, title_fa = {تحلیل جغرافیایی پیامدهای اجتماعی- اقتصادی جابجایی پایتخت در ایران}, abstract_fa = {شهرهای پایتختی نقش‌های بسیار مهمی در تمام کشورهای جهان ایفا می‌کنند. یکی از این نقش‌ها، نقش سیاسی- اداری است که اغلب با تمرکز فعالیت‌های اقتصادی، اجتماعی، آموزشی همراه است. تمرکز گسترده انواع فعالیت‌ها در تهران به‌عنوان یکی از شهرهای پایتختی در سال‌های اخیر با پیامدهای اجتماعی- اقتصادی مثبت و منفی گسترده روبه‌رو بوده است و منجر به پدید آمدن طرح جابجایی کارکردهای پایتخت جهت کاهش این مشکلات شده است. هدف از این پژوهش تحلیل جغرافیایی پیامدهای اجتماعی- اقتصادی جابجایی کاردکردهای پایتخت و مدیریت یکپارچه است. روش پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی، جامعه آماری کارشناسان مسائل اقتصادی و اجتماعی و حجم نمونه 40 نفر بر مبنای نمونه‌گیری خوشه‌ای است. ابزار جمع‌آوری داده‌ها اسنادی و همچنین مصاحبه و پرسشنامه است. جهت تجزیه و تحلیل داده‌ها از مدل‌سازی معادلات ساختاری(LISREL) استفاده شده است. نتایج مدل‌سازی معادلات ساختاری انتقال پایتخت نشان می‌دهد در صورت انتقال پایتخت، تمرکز اقتصادی به‌دلیل انباشت سرمایه در تهران، در مکان جدید تحقق پیدا نمی‌کند، همچنین روند رشد جمعیتی، بحران‌های زیست محیطی نیز تشدید خواهد شد. در مقابل، انتقال برخی از کارکردها تأثیرات مستقیم (73/0) و غیرمستقیم (40/0) زیادی بر روی ساماندهی شهر تهران دارد. به‌گونه‌ای که انتقال این کارکردها باعث کاهش تمرکز جمعیتی، ترافیکی، سرمایه و ... در تهران می‌شود.  }, keywords_fa = {Geographical Analysis,Relocation of Capital City,Tehran}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55840.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55840_2620c6351ba90dbedabb04192ec30a04.pdf} }