@article { author = {Salimi, Hossein and Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal and Pouresmaili, Najmieh}, title = {Theoretical Analysis of the Relations between Regional System and Foreign Policy}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {1-24}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionForeign Policy is a comprehensive plan developed by states to interact with externalenvironment. The type and the nature of the interactions between foreign policy and theexternal environment is a key issue to understand both of them. In this article, it is arguedthat regional system is one of the most important features of the external environment, whichdoesn’t have one-dimensional relations with foreign policy; it means, on one hand, foreignpolicy impacts on the nature and quality of interactions within the regional system, on theother hand, the regional system and its components act as an independent variable in definingand drawing the goals and priorities of foreign policy. In other words, Foreign policy andregional system define each other, mutually. MethodologyThis article, utilizing Institutional as well as explanatory methods, seeks to demonstrate thathow the foreign policy of the main actors of a region as an institution, define anotherinstitution called regional system, and the constructed regional system how impacts on thedefining, planning and execution of foreign policies of the main actors. FindingsFinding of the article would be discusses under these umbrella topics:- Defining Regional system and its components;- The type of the relations between regional systems and macro structure of theInternational System;The relations between Regional system and Foreign Policy.ConclusionDue to the relative independence of the regional system, after the dissolution on the USSRand the end of the cold war, from the macro structure of International system, it is possibleto examine its relations with other issues such as Foreign policy. In the current article, it isdemonstrated that after the Cold War, because of the lack of capabilities, most of the statesare trying to define their foreign policies according to their corresponding regional system.This situation has enabled the main actors of each regional system to play a crucial role indefining the regional system. On the other hand, it is argued that after construction, theregional systems are not fully obedient of the main actors and act as an independent factorimposing some requirements to the states’ foreign policies.}, keywords = {Regional System,Foreign Policy,Interaction pattern}, title_fa = {مدل و تحلیل نظری رابطه نظام منطقه‌ای و سیاست خارجی}, abstract_fa = {سیاست خارجی برنامه‌ای جامع است که توسط دولت‌ها برای تعامل با محیط بیرونی طراحی و دنبال می‌شود. نوع و ماهیت تعاملی که میان سیاست خارجی و محیط بیرونی وجود دارد، یکی از روش‌های مهم فهم هردو حوزه سیاست خارجی و محیط بیرونی است. در این پژوهش استدلال می‌گردد که نظام منطقه‌ای یکی از مهمترین ابعاد محیط بیرونی است که رابطه سیاست خارجی با آن یک‌سویه نمی‌باشد؛ بدین معنی که از یک طرف سیاست خارجی به ماهیت و کیفیت تعاملات در نظام منطقه‌ای شکل می‌دهد و از طرف دیگر نظام منطقه‌ای و مؤلفه‌های شکل‌دهنده به آن نیز در تعریف و تدوین اهداف و اولویت‌های سیاست خارجی به‌مثابه یک متغیر مستقل عمل می‌کند. فهم چگونگی انجام این فرایند متقابل، هدف این نوشتار است.    }, keywords_fa = {Regional System,Foreign Policy,Interaction pattern}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55805.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55805_05200acf4e1c2d6ecb8fceccf071a95b.pdf} } @article { author = {Allahverdizadeh, Reza and Hafeznia, Mohammadreza and Pourtaheri, Mahdi}, title = {Developing a Global Index for Maritime Location of Countries}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {25-54}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntrductionChanging nature of the relationship between human and geographical environment has hadconsiderable influence on geographical science school of thought. In terms of "ecologicalanalysis", this relationship is one of the important research fields in geographical sciences.Geographic location is one of the key elements in the environment, which is divided into anumber of subgroups. In all traditional and modern theories of geography, geographicallocation is one of the most important variables in power formulation and political behaviorof countries. Maritime location and access to free waters an element of geographical location,and it is a significant variable in global theories of geopolitics and maritime studies. Thisdimension of the location of countries has been descriptively studies, and it is essential todetermine the geographic location of the countries using qualitative and quantitativeindicators. The present study conducted to rank the maritime location of various countries. MethodologyThis research is Fundamental in terms of its objective and descriptive-analytic in terms ofnature and method, and follows the quantitative research method. The statistics fromspecialized agencies used to collect the indicator statistics of maritime location of countriesin order to consider comprehensiveness, reliability and validity of data from theseinstitutions. Library resources, papers, documents and official portals used to gather thestatistics related to the maritime location of the countries. Six indicators were selected forsurvey from among the indicators related to maritime location of countries. Data analysis wasperformed using quantitative methods and TOPSIS technique. In this study, maritimelocation of nations was ranked by TOPSIS algorithm using natural and human indicators witha multivariate and multidimensional approach to maritime location. The indicators were asfollows: (1) the ratio of maritime border length to border length of the country; (2) the ratioof country surface area to maritime border length; (3) number of surrounding seas; (4)number of sea ports; (5) The ratio of area of maritime zones (territorial sea, contiguous zone,exclusive economic zone, and continental shelf) to the area of country; (6) ratio of coastalpopulation to total population of the country. Result and DiscussionThe research findings indicate that offshore countries with different levels of size, shape,population, etc. placed in this ranking. By using the comparable indicators for countries (byconsidering the ratio), small insular states were at the top of maritime location, but they werenot capable of taking advantage of their maritime location due to the absence of othervariables, including vaster territorial extent, qualified manpower (qualitative andquantitative), limited political relations, etc. In contrast, countries with a long maritimeborder, extended territory, proper coastal kerfs and skilled manpower are able to make gooduse of their offshore location. ConclusionMaritime location of countries affects in political behavior and status of countries, and itsfunction depends on other elements of national power. Access to open waters enablesmaritime contact and relationship between countries for trade, exchange of goods and evenideas. In practice, it is observed that classical and modern naval powers have a sea coastalmost without excep.}, keywords = {Geographical location,Maritime location,Ranking of countries,TOPSIS Method}, title_fa = {شاخص‌سازی موقعیت دریایی کشورها}, abstract_fa = {سرشت متحول رابطه انسان و محیط جغرافیایی بر اندیشه و مکتب فلسفی علوم جغرافیایی تأثیر گذاشته است. این رابطه در قالب «رویکرد اکولوژیکی»، از حوزه­های مهم تحقیقاتی در علوم جغرافیا است. موقعیت جغرافیایی کشورها، از عناصر مهم در محیط جغرافیایی است که خود به زیربخش­هایی تقسیم می‌شود. موقعیت دریایی کشورها و تماس با آب­های آزاد، از عناصر موقعیت جغرافیایی است. موقعیت دریایی عنصر جغرافیایی مهم در نظریات جهانی ژئوپلیتیک و مطالعات دریایی است. موقعیت دریایی، سطح تماس محیط داخلی کشور (خشکی) با محیط دریایی بوده و از هر دو محیط جغرافیایی تأثیر می­پذیرد. این بعد از موقعیت کشورها، به‌صورت توصیفی مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته است و نیاز است با شاخص­های کیفی و کمّی، موقعیت دریایی کشورها مشخص گردد. تحقیق حاضر به‌منظور شاخص­سازی و رتبه­بندی موقعیت دریایی کشورها انجام‌یافته است. پژوهش حاضر ازلحاظ هدف، بنیادی و از حیث ماهیت و روش، توصیفی- تحلیلی است. با شش نماگر موقعیت دریایی و استفاده از تکنیک تاپسیس، رتبه­بندی موقعیت دریایی کشورها انجام گردید. رتبه­بندی یکصد و پنجاه کشور دریایی نشان می­دهد که میانگین حداقل CI در کشور جمهوری دموکراتیک کنگو (00016/0) و حداکثر آن در کشور تووالو (46197/0) در نوسان است. به کمک نرم‌افزار SPSS، کشورها طیف­بندی شده­اند و کشورها بر اساس امتیازی که از موقعیت دریایی به دست آورده­اند در سه طیف متفاوت جای گرفته­اند. خروجی حاصل از تکنیک تاپسیس و طیف­بندی کشورها بیانگر آن است که کشورهایی با سطوح متفاوتی از مساحت، شکل، جمعیت و... در این رتبه­بندی جای گرفتند. موقعیت دریایی کشورها، بر اساس عوامل متفاوت و به تأسی از متغیرهای متفاوت طبیعی و انسانی بر قدرت کشورها تأثیر می­گذارد.  }, keywords_fa = {Geographical location,Maritime location,Ranking of countries,TOPSIS Method}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55806.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55806_f769cefce610159890d60d6c88eabacc.pdf} } @article { author = {Ahmadi, Sayed Abbas and Badiee Azondahi, Marjan and Heidari Mosello, Tahmores}, title = {The Theoretical Explanation of the Nature of the Geopolitical Regions in Competition of the Powers}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {55-78}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntrductionGeopolitical regions has developed from the nineteenth century onwards. at the present timethe old colonial approaches has lost your application but neocolonial methods to gain powerand competition in the geographic areas and areas has taken the other shape as with thecollapse of the Soviet Union, the geopolitical regions, as well as was developed many otherconcepts the human community therefore, the approach of the competition of power in theareas has taken on a particular geographical basis. in this regard, the present research seeksto theoretical explanation of the process and the nature of the geopolitical regions in thepowers competition. MethodologyThis research seeks to explain the theoretical changes in the nature of geopolitical regions.Since the main purpose of the research is to extract and identify the process and change thenature of geopolitical regions in the competition between powers, from theoretical andqualitative aspects to explained the issues.Hence, The current research seeks to answer the question of what trends and nature ofgeopolitical regions have been seen in the rivalry between powers? FindingsAccording to previous studies are three types of view of geopolitics perception to areas: FirstView says that the countries in the every measure taken together (ranging from a global orregional) are similar to each other (generalization see). Second View, consider zones as"opposite". In this view a geopolitical region with other regions, differences and is like noother place (conflict). The third view, is the "comparative" approach. Based on thecomparative approach, geographic areas affect the behavior of countries and form the a levelof separate analysis and regional politics is not such as universal politics.The nature of the geopolitical regions while the imperialist geopolitics in the earlytwentieth century, had emphasized in importance of natural geography in the foreign polic and global strategy during the Cold War , the geopolitics more was trying the competitionand conflict with the Soviet Union and America very closely the geography and also had todescribe in the complicated Ideology. As Mackinder introduced part of Russian territory asa land-based Central or geographical a local area, But George Kennan designer America'sforeign policy after the war, known as the "Containment strategy" Soviet, to Russia did notlook at as a simple territory, but it as a "threat" knew that finding is constantly expanding. Sothat designers competition and geopolitics experts took over around the world, "Us" or"them", "free world" against the "the communist and dictator world " were raised geopoliticsissues of West cold war. during the cold war, world different areas the vertical look, fromabove and from the charter of the East and West were entered geopolitical calculations, butin the new era, different regions of the world from the down and from within their areas andto be more precise Horizontal angle are into the international political relations andcompetition between powers. after the cold war almost all the regional powers, positions anda greater role In the their surrounding areas. ConclusionIn the field of theorizing on regional studies, have occurred Several changes. In the firstperiod, areas in terms of geographical units In other words, were defined geo-political andgeographic boundaries. This topic, traditional theorizing axis about the region Then, the areaswere possessed of functional features on the other hand, the name of the in the ancienttraditions had the imposed process and from the top down was managed and defined by thegreat powers. as the old, area of Natural Geography derived in the terms of land area, marineand other , but in the current era, in addition to the old approach is also used the geographyhuman dimension. accordingly the competition To achieve areas having Has caused theseareas to be defined by both geographical and ideologies approach. As Mackinder theories,Aspaykmn and Mahan, the natural approach and Ratzel views, Killen and Haushofer havethe thought approach. During the Cold War, also the powers competition for dominate onareas , finds ideological nature in terms of the influence dam and Domino after the Sovietcollapse, some regional powers also were possess positions and new powers. in this context,regional powers entered the competition In the areas and searches the significant contributionfor influence In the its surrounding area.}, keywords = {Geopolitics,Competition,Geopolitical regions}, title_fa = {تبیین نظری تغییر ماهیت مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرت‌‌ها}, abstract_fa = {از آغاز پیدایش ژئوپلیتیک، قدرت و رقابت جهت تسلط بر سرزمین و داشته‌‌های آن مبنای اصلی این دانش قرار گرفته است. بر این اساس، ژئوپلیتیک استعماری نیز که دوره نخست تاریخ ژئوپلیتیک با آن آغاز شده است، با اندیشه استعمارگری جهت تصاحب و تسلط بر مناطق جغرافیایی همراه شده است. رقابت جهت دست‌یابی به مناطق و داشته‌‌های آن تحت تأثیر دو نوع رویکرد قرار گرفته است. بن‌مایه رویکرد نخست بر حقایق جغرافیای طبیعی استوار است و رویکرد دوم مبتنی بر ایدئولوژی‌های برتری‌‌خواهانه است. همچنان ‌که در دوره جنگ سرد نیز رقابت قدرت‌ها جهت سلطه بر مناطق ماهیت ایدئولوژیک پیدا می‌‌کند. قدرت‌‌های رقیب در قالب استراتژی‌هایی همچون سد نفوذ، دومینو، ضد دومینو و غیره، خود را آشکار می‌ساختند؛ سیاست‌‌هایی که زمینه کمتری از حقایق جغرافیایی در آن نمایان بود. بعد از فروپاشی شوروی عصر جدیدی آغاز شد، در این عصر قدرت‌‌های منطقه‌‌ای نیز صاحب موقعیت جدیدی شدند که مناطق و حقایق جغرافیایی اهمیت دوباره‌ای یافت. به این ترتیب، پژوهش کنونی در قالب روش تفسیری- تحلیلی به‌دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرت‌‌ها چه ماهیتی را به خود دیده است؟ فرضیه موجود نشان‌گر این است که مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرت‌‌ها  ابتدا ماهیت طبیعی داشت، سپس ماهیت ایدئولوژیک یافت و در دوره کنونی نیز حقایق جغرافیایی مناطق مورد تأکید قرار می‌گیرد.}, keywords_fa = {Geopolitics,Competition,Geopolitical regions}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55807.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55807_d665dafda2abbd7bdda1fef6a83eae7f.pdf} } @article { author = {Karimipour, Yadollah and Rabiee, Hossein and Bazleh, Ahamd}, title = {Explaining the Geographical Peace Foundations in the Middle East (Case Study: Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia)}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {79-102}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionSecurity and, in parallel, coexistence and peace, which are the longest themes that haveengulfed the mind of man, The necessity of establishing it in the modern period, and especiallyin the twenty-first century, is more than ever felt for the sectarian empire. This theme (peace)has been considered from various dimensions so far, In this connection, the present study seeksto study peace and coexistence between political units in the new and the geographic area inthe Middle East and between the three countries of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. MethodologyThe present study examined the documentary approach and analytical descriptive method to betterunderstand the issue of geographically effective peacekeeping and eventually analyze data. FindingsGeopolitical Effective Peace1. Geographic locationFollowing the three great powers of the Middle East, Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia from amaritime strategy can be a factor of political and peaceful convergence Therefore, geographictime encompasses both the status of challenges and opportunities. But what matters is behaviorand policies that can be used to cope with the challenges and use its opportunities well.2. Cultural foundationsToday, most neighboring countries and neighborhoods overlap in terms of human resourceinteractions, culture and common religion.3. Political organization of spaceIn the Middle East, how the political organization of space in the region and within the countries ledto the formation of Kurdish, Arabic and Armenian nationalism with the aim of opposing imposedboundaries, which provided further areas for domestic and regional conflicts in the future.4. Common ObjectivesApart from the specific purpose and specific interests of nations and nations that are causingincreasing competition and conflict between them, they share common goals such as peace,sustainable development, the fight against poverty and injustice and discrimination. Which,in order to achieve this goal, requires cooperation, assistance and collective effort, canprovide a foundation for cooperation between the studied political.5. Mutual interestsCountries in a region face a wide range of topics and opportunities in the political, economic,cultural, social, technological, environmental and other fields, including the appropriate areas andsub-areas of which there are three major regional powers that share their interests. Being able to:A) Growth in trade and commerceB) regional unity nucleiC) Regional securityD) Common Natural Resources IdeologyThe three powerful Muslim countries in the Middle East, in the midst of most of the neighboringMiddle East crises, have been struggling to address the ideology over the past decade. Meanwhile,Iran and Saudi Arabia and Turkey have the greatest responsibility. These wars, slowly and withoutvictory, are wiped out after the country's forces and strength and efficiency, It will end: that is, asalways, the outcome of the competition here will be lost - will be lost.Common Geographic BottlenecksBottlenecks, such as waterfalls, freshwater scarcity, land and sea environmental pollution,and more. provides cooperation for more countries. AnalysisIt is not possible to achieve comprehensive peace in the region, regardless of geography, soit can be said that peace can have a geographical basis.Geography determines the geographic location, cultural foundations, neighborhood, andeven ideology, so geography can form the strengths and weaknesses of the research triangle(Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia) Leads to common goals and interests. From this stageonwards, these are political structures that, by their proper discernment, must identifycommon goals and interests, and move toward coexistence and convergence and ultimatelypeace. ConclusionsSo, as far as the discussion is concerned, most of the platforms, backgrounds and indicatorsfor coexistence, cooperation, convergence and development of regional and global unionsand peace-making between Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey in geography are always available.have been And what constitutes the leaders and political leadership of these three countriestoward fostering and peace-building in this region is not geography, but rather to a degreeinfluenced by their attitude towards the world, the identification of interests and goals, andin particular the way Attitude towards Neighborhood.}, keywords = {Geography,Peace,the Middle East,Iran,Saudi Arabia,Turkey}, title_fa = {تبیین بنیادهای جغرافیایی صلح در خاورمیانه (مطالعه موردی: ایران، ترکیه و عربستان)}, abstract_fa = {امنیت و به موازات آن همزیستی و صلح که از دیرپاترین موضوعاتی بوده که ذهن انسان را به خود مشغول کرده است، ضرورت برقراری آن در دوره مدرن و به‌طور ویژه در سده­ بیست و یکم بیش از هر زمانی برای خاومیانه­ غرق آشفتگی احساس می‌شود. این موضوع (یعنی صلح) تاکنون از ابعاد گوناگونی مورد توجه واقع شده، در این پیوند، پژوهش حاضر تلاشی علمی است تا برقراری صلح و همزیستی بین واحدهای سیاسی را از بعد تازه و آن هم جغرافیایی درمنطقه خاورمیانه و بین سه کشور ایران، ترکیه و عربستان مورد بررسی قرار دهد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد اسنادی وروش  توصیفی - تحلیلی  برای درک بهتر مسئله بنیادهای جغرافیایی مؤثر بر صلح را  بررسی کرده و سرانجام اقدام به تحلیل داده­ها کرده است. نتایج پژوهش گویای این مطلب است که جغرافیا؛ موقعیت جغرافیایی، بنیادهای فرهنگی، همسایگی و حتی ایدئولوژی را نیز به نوعی تعیّن می­دهد، جغرافیا همچنین نقاط قوت و ضعف را هم ‌شکل داده و مثلث (ایران، ترکیه و عربستان) مورد پژوهش را به سمت اهداف و منافع مشترک هدایت می‌کند. از این مرحله به بعد این سازه­های سیاسی هستند که با تشخیص درست خود باید اهداف و منافع مشترک را مشخص کنند و به سمت همزیستی و همگرایی و سرانجام صلح گام بردارند.    }, keywords_fa = {Geography,Peace,the Middle East,Iran,Saudi Arabia,Turkey}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55808.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55808_f89589714a5a41979d666e504e792ba7.pdf} } @article { author = {Mousavi Zare, Seyed Javad and Zarghani, Seyed Hadi and Azami, Hadi}, title = {Analysis of the Position of Science and Technology in the Realm of Hard, Soft and Smart Power}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {103-138}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionPower is among the notions that in the focus of attention of experts in political geographyand Geopolitic. Accordingly, many scholars have discussed the nature, scope, deminsion andfunction of power. According to the one of the newest classification of power, it is dividedinto three forms of hard power, soft power and smart power. on the other hand, of years away,science and Nowadays, along with its; technology are considered as one of the main sourcesof the power. Hence, considering the fact that the Interest of global powers in the field ofscience and technology have been added more than the past, this research seeks to analyzethe position of science and technology in the realm of hard and soft and smart power. MethodologyIn this research, has been used through descriptive-analytical research method.Therefore, in thefirst stage, by studying library resources such as books, research projects and articles in Farsi andLatin, the role and position of science and technology has been Surveyied ; And its advantagesover hard, soft and smart power dimensions have been described and analyzed. In the next stepand in the field research, a three-question questionnaire was developed in two Persian and Englishlanguages based on Likert, and was attended by 400 domestic and foreign experts in the field ofpolitical geography, and International Relations and Geostrategic; finally, comments They havebeen investigated about the effects of science and technology on hard, soft and smart power. FindingsThe findings of this study have been derived from two parts of library resources and field research.Accordingly, in accordance with library finding , science and technology have three approaches toinfluencing various forms of power, including hard, soft and smart.1. The first approach: the hard power approach; that in it used the capacity of science and technologyto influence the components of hard power (military and economic power) and it also is used fostrengthen bargaining power with rival and hostile countries. to more precise phrase, if weconcentrate the most important sources of hard power in the country's economic capacity andmilitary power; science and technology, through various mechanisms, will have an impact on thesetwo areas of power.2. The Second Approach: Soft Power Approach; in the sense that the benefits of science andtechnology with the help of the diplomacy of science and technology are used for effect andstrengthen soft power. According to the findings of this section, science and technology, as a tool forthe application of soft power, have the basical potential in foreign policy and especially in diplomacyof science and technology, Hence, these benefits will be thoroughly examined in this approach.3. Third Approach: Smart Power Approach; in the sense that from the capacity of science andtechnology will be used to combine and unite mechanisms of hard power and soft power underthe guidance of diplomacy tool in order to apply of smart power. According to this approach, Thecenter of smart diplomacy is science and technology, which has both the hard power and soft powerfeatures , while at the same time demonstrating the ability to boycott, and the ability to partner andconverge. of course, this role is more under the ownership of diplomacy of science and technology.But the field findings and results and average scores obtained from domestic and foreign thinkersAlso have emphasized that science and technology have high degree of influence in three dimensionshard, soft, and smart power. AnalysisThe analize of research's findings reflect the fact that the new developments have leded the roleof science and particularly technology, as a key element, have attractived more than ever by theview of the majority of global powers. which, of course, partly reflects nature and character ofscience and technology; So that Between the various components that are influencing the powerof a country, whether either in viewpoint of appearance or in viewpoint of Thinkers, Scienceand technology have a double nature. therefore, it have this the capacity and potential that hardpower and soft power can been connectived under of the ownership of diplomacy of scienceand technology. on this basis, science and then technology can be thought of as the mostimportant linker of hard power, soft power and smart power. ConclusionThe results showed that although in the past centuries, territory, population, agriculturalresources, military power were the sources of authority, but in the present time, this role hasbeen transferred to science and technology; in fact, though that from ancient times, scienceas a the source of authority has been important; but in the current era, this role has beenenhanced with the help of technology; therefore, today, science and technology not only inits vast definition are probably the most important source of power, but also been impressedon the use of other forms of power and altered their mechanism and actions.Therefore, in the context of the globalization process and the complexity of the social andinternational environment, after the collapse of the bipolar system, we are witnessing thegrowing impact of science and technology on political issues and the equations of power onthe international level. So, As America's position at the top of global geometry of power, toa large extent, reflects the use of science and technology in pursuit of political, economic,military, cultural and other goals.For this reason, in today's world, science and technologycan be used as a rating card in the confront with global equations, since that it have asignificant impact on hard, soft, and smart power of countries.}, keywords = {Science and Technology,hard power,Soft power,Smart power,Diplomacy of science and technology}, title_fa = {بررسی و تحلیل جایگاه علم و فناوری در عرصه قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند}, abstract_fa = {قدرت از جمله مفاهیمی است که در مرکز توجه متخصصان جغرافیای سیاسی و ژئوپلیتیک قرار دارد؛ ازاین‌رو، اندیشمندان مختلفی به بحث در مورد ماهیت، قلمرو، ابعاد، کاربرد و کارکرد آن پرداخته‌‌اند؛ بر این اساس، یکی از جدیدترین اقسام طبقه‌بندی قدرت، تقسیم آن به سه شکل قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند است. از طرف دیگر، از سالیان دور علم و امروزه در کنار آن فناوری به‌عنوان یکی از فاکتور‌‌های اصلی قدرت قابل طرح بوده است. بر این اساس، این پژوهش با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استناد به منابع معتبر کتابخانه ای و تحقیقات میدانی به‌دنبال بررسی نقش و جایگاه علم و فناوری در اشکال سه‌گانه قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند است؛ از این حیث، علاوه بر رجوع به منابع معتبر در قسمت یافته‌‌های کتابخانه‌‌ای، در بخش مطالعات میدانی، پرسشنامه‌‌ای به دو زبان فارسی و انگلیسی تهیه و در اختیار کارشناسان و صاحب‌نظران قرار گرفته که در مجوع 80 پرسشنامه تکمیل و ملاک ارزیابی قرار گرفت. با این تفاسیر یافته‌‌های کتابخانه‌‌ای پژوهش حاکی از آن است که علم و فناوری از جایگاه و نقش بنیادینی در هر سه بعد قدرت یعنی قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند برخوردار است. همچنین، یافته‌های میدانی نیز بیانگر این ادعا است که از منظر خبرگان و کارشناسان، علم و فناوری به ترتیب بر قدرت هوشمند، سخت و نرم بیشترین تأثیر گذاری را دارد.       }, keywords_fa = {Science and Technology,hard power,Soft power,Smart power,Diplomacy of science and technology}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55809.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55809_01fddcfea6b1c820031ddde512ea8499.pdf} } @article { author = {Ghahramani, Mohammad Javad}, title = {United States Geo-strategy in Asia Pacific; Change or Continuation?}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {139-175}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionAsia pacific is an important region in world economy and security. Given to this, and becauseof growing power of china and increased threat of North Korea, U.S. in recent years hasconcentrated to this region. It's clear manifestation was Asia pivot or rebalancing by Obama'sadministration. But, Donald Trump as elected U.S. new president both in his electioncampaign and after winning the completion, has declared some new principles that are verydifferent from past. Because of this, in this article, we are seeking the answer to thesequestion: is there a new trend in U.S. in relation to Asia Pacific? Do the geostrategic pivot ofWashington in changing? MethodologyWith a descriptive-analytical method, present work try to analyze the limitation andrequirements of U.S. Foreign Policy in contemporary era. FindingsThe significances of Asia pacific for U.S. are:- Presence of U.S. allies in this region;- Growing region Economic contribution in world economy;- China's rising;- North Korea threat;- Taiwan issue;- South and east China sea.American Asia Pivot strategy: Asia pivot is the strategy the U.S. under Obama speciallyfrom 2011 has pursued. The pillars of this strategy are:- Promotion of U.S. alliance system and increase the relations with rising partners- Enforcing institutional and multilateral presence- Enhancing military activity in the region- Trying to promoting the human rights situation in regional countriesThe limitations and opportunities of U.S. declared policy by Trump in AsiaPacific region:Donald Trump has declared some promises that some of them are impossible because of theircosts for American position in international system and its economy and welfare of people.These declared policies by Trump include: increasing tariffs on imported goods from Chinato U.S.; decreasing Washington support of allies; exit from some institutional frameworksuch as TPP and … .This study for analyzing this issue has focused on behavioral requirements of a pole inunipolar system. For keeping the status quo, U.S. as the only pole in international systemshould maintains its alliances with regional power to balance against a growing power. Inaddition to this, increasing tariff against Chinese goods causes retaliation from china. This,also can increase the prices of goods in U.S.. Moreover, retreating from T.P.P leads toincrease in China's regional and institutional role. It should be noted that contrary to Trumpnaive view, American companies have gone to china because of cheap labors costs, as a resultthey don’t prefer to come back to U.S. even, they prefer to go to cheaper countries such asVietnam. AnalysisGiven to this situation and existence a systemic approach in U.S. establishment on grandstrategy of white house, it seems that Washington maintains its alliances in Asia Pacific,keeps its military presence, and as same as past, U.S. will prefer to continue its relations withChina, so their relation have both elements of conflict and cooperation. In addition, Trumpadministration probably continue American Taiwan past policy, and we don’t see any breakfrom conventional policy. ConclusionIt seems that the U.S. under Trump will follow the major of rules that may maintain theircountry as the salience power in international system. Even if he want to basically change itsforeign policy, the establishment oppose to his approach. Keeping the status quo, trying tomaintain unipolar System that U.S. is its leader, has some requirements that American leadersknow it well.}, keywords = {Geo-strategy,United States,Asia Pacific}, title_fa = {ژئواستراتژی آمریکا در آسیا پاسیفیک؛ تداوم یا تغییر؟}, abstract_fa = {ایالات‌متحده آمریکا به‌عنوان قدرت برتر در نظام بین‌الملل همواره به‌دنبال موازنه‌‌سازی در مناطق مختلف به‌منظور عدم ظهور قدرت همسنگ خود در مناطق مختلف بوده است. پس از حادثه یازده سپتامبر مقابله با تروریسم به محور سیاست خارجی آمریکا و منطقه خاورمیانه نیز به‌عنوان منطقه محوری کنش سیاست خارجی‌این کشور تبدیل شد. اما با افزایش نقش منطقه آسیاپاسیفیک در اقتصاد و امنیت جهانی، باراک اوباما با طرح استراتژی محور آسیایی به‌دنبال اولویت‌‌بخشی به این منطقه در سیاست خارجی ‌این کشور بود. از نمودهای این استراتژی می­توان به تلاش ایالات‌متحده جهت تقویت سیستم اتحادی و افزایش تعاملات با قدرت­های در حال ظهور، تلاش جهت افزایش حضور نظامی، حضور چندجانبه فعال­تر و پیشبرد دمکراسی و حقوق بشر بوده است. اما با توجه به چالش­های پیش‌‌رو و انتخاب ترامپ به‌عنوان رئیس‌جمهور آمریکا سؤالاتی در خصوص تداوم یا تغییر در این استراتژی این کشور مطرح شده است. این پژوهش با توجه به اهمیت آسیاپاسیفیک در اقتصاد، امنیت و سیاست جهان به بررسی پیامدهای مثبت و منفی رویکردهای مطرح شده دولت ترامپ می‌پردازد. با توجه به پیامدهای منفی کاهش حضور، این پژوهش بر این فرض مبتنی است که ایالات‌متحده گرچه همراه با تغییراتی، اما همچنان منطقه آسیاپاسیفیک را یکی از مهمترین اولویت­های سیاست خارجی خود می­داند.  }, keywords_fa = {Geo-strategy,United States,Asia Pacific}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55810.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55810_413c1c101582c7b1fd2ffeaec17cc41b.pdf} } @article { author = {Monavari, Seyed Ali and Mohammad Sharifi, Majid}, title = {Defensive Realism and the Logic of NATO's Existence after September 11}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {176-202}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionThe September 11, 2001 incident has entered NATO in a new phase in its political life. Inaddition to the various issues, terrorism, expanded the agenda of this security organizationand led to a new interpretation of NATO's constitution, especially its fifth article. The theoryof realism in the context of a research program and defensive realism as an advance in thisprogram research addresses the expansion of the NATO expansion after 9/11. MethodologyThis study, considering the rationalist theory of international relations as an attempt toexplain the causes of the events and with applying the theory of defensive realism, has useda descriptive-explanatory method to advance the purpose of the research. Findings1. Defensive realism as an advance in realistic research program:Defensive realism by adding complementary propositions to the core of realist researchprogram used this great theory of international relations to explain the specific behaviors ofgovernments and security alliances.2. September 9, 2001 and Norm-making in International Politics:The September 11, 2001, along with the great effects on great power relations and theredefinition of concepts such as power, preventive and preemptive war, Has led to a reviewof some international norms such as legitimate defense.3. Changing concepts in international politics and changing the agenda of securityinstitutions:The dynamics of the events in the international environment, especially in the military –security arena, has led to the redefinition of concepts such as national security and power,which has changed the agenda of security institutions.4. Defensive realism and the persistence of security allies:This research shows how defensive realism by adding auxiliary propositions to the core ofrealism, as a research program, explains the process of transforming and changing theprinciples of international institutions , why international security institutions be continuedafter Solving it’s the existential threat has been durable question in the literature of realism;defensive realism is trying to answer this question. AnalysisThis research takes into account NATO developments in its evolution after World War II,Particularly; the changes made to this important security institution after 9/11 And has usedthe theory of defensive realism as an advance in the research program to explain NATODevelopments. ConclusionThe findings of this study show how defensive realism with preserve of realism hard coreas the Great Theory of International Politics And only with some adjustments in its protectivebelt, It can turn into a theory to explain the foreign policy behavior of countries andinternational security institutions. To prove this claim, based on this theory, NATO'sdevelopments after September 9, 2001, have been explained.}, keywords = {NATO,September 11,Defensive realism}, title_fa = {واقع‌گرایی تدافعی و منطق موجودیت ناتو پس از یازده سپتامبر}, abstract_fa = {با پایان جنگ سرد و معادلات حاکم بر آن به‌نظر می‌رسید که سرمشق واقع‌گرایی از تبیین تداوم موجودیت اتحادیۀ ناتو ناتوان است. این در حالی بود که ناتو، متعاقب پایان جنگ سرد در رویدادهای بالکان درگیر شده و از این نظر در حال تجربۀ فصلی نوین در تطوّر تاریخی خود بود. در ادامۀ تحولات پس از جنگ سرد، وقوع رویداد یازده سپتامبر ناتو را کاملاً متوجه تهدیدات برآمده از تروریسم کرد. در این ارتباط، استناد به مادۀ (5) معاهدۀ واشنگتن پس از رویداد یازده سپتامبر توسط اتحادیه برای اولین بار از زمان شکل‌گیری آن، مبیّن آن است که درک ناتو از تهدید تروریسم بیش از پیش، آن را در جهت توسعه نهادی و تداوم موجودیت خود سوق داده است. این مقاله در صدد توضیح تداوم موجودیت ناتو از منظر واقع‌گرایی تدافعی، در ادامۀ اصلاحات صورت پذیرفته در برنامۀ پژوهشی واقع‌گرایی است. به‌عبارت‌دیگر پرسش اصلی این مقاله این است که واقع­گرایی چگونه می­تواند موجودیت ناتو پس از یازده سپتامبر را تببین کند؟ در پاسخ به این پرسش این مقاله واقع­گرایی تدافعی را پیشرفتی در برنامه پژوهشی واقع­گرایی می­داند که ضمن حفظ هسته مرکزی واقع­گرایی می­توان پاسخگوی تحولات جدید ناتو حفظ موجودیت آن پس از یازده سپتامبر باشد.    }, keywords_fa = {NATO,September 11,Defensive realism}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55811.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55811_3f2d85f1513e12baa736a75b66f2ab1f.pdf} } @article { author = {Rezaloo, Reza and Hariri, Nemat and Hajizadeh, Karim and Mohammadi, Shabbo}, title = {Analysis of Armenia's Geopolitical Landscape in the Parthian Period; According to the Archaeological Findings}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {13}, number = {47}, pages = {203-230}, year = {2017}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {IntroductionArmenia has attracted the attention of many different nations because of its geopoliticalsituation, that's why this country with its strategic location has been epicenter of the wars inIran and Rome in the Parthian era. Finally, during of the Sassanid period conflicts had beenended with dividing of Armenia between the two great powers. Roman army failed repeatedlyin the face of Parthians guerrilla forces in Mesopotamian plains and finally used the naturalgeography campaign to Iran. For this purpose, that roman army chose Armenia to march intoIran, Parthian government built a string of defensive fortifications to confronting with theirintermittent attacks at the entrance of road to the Iranian plateau in north western. MethodologyIn this research, used analytical and descriptive approach based on field and library study, historicalwritten sources and archaeological data which includes Parthian fortresses of the northwest to thestudy of communication and conflicts between powerful nations during the Parthian period. Results and DiscussionIn our survey in Meshkin Shahr we recognized 8 fortresses in this period that built todefensing of roman and Armenian attack to Iran. It seems that in the beginning of wares inthe Orod one time and failing of roman from Parthian in Horan ware, roman understood thathe did not conquered to Parthian in plains because of the power and mobility of Parthiancavalry. In the fourth Farhad, roman under the leader ship of Mark Anthony attacked to Iranfrom north western and blockade Fraspa (The center of Atropathen). This study alsorecognizes the relationship between the two empires mentioned above and consequently hasattended political and military geographical knowledge of Armenia. ConclusionThe results showed important geopolitical situation of Armenia in the Iranian military andpolitical relations with neighboring and competitors countries.}, keywords = {Armenia,Iran,Parthian,Roman,Geopolitical landscape,Archaeology}, title_fa = {تحلیل چشم‌انداز ژئوپلیتیک ارمنستان در دوره اشکانی؛ با استناد به یافته‌های باستان‌شناسی}, abstract_fa = {ارمنستان از دیرباز به‌دلیل موقعیت ژئوپلیتیک خاص خود، توجه بسیاری از اقوام و ملل مختلف را جلب کرده است، به‌‌گونه­ای که این کشور با موقعیت راهبردی آن به کانون اصلی جنگ­های ایران و روم در عصر اشکانی بدل شده بود؛ منازعاتی که سرانجام در دوران حکومت ساسانیان، با تقسیم ارمنستان میان این دو قدرت بزرگ به پایان رسید. ارتش روم بارها در رویارویی با نیروهای پارتیزان اشکانی در دشت­های بین­النهرین مغلوب و سرانجام برای رفع ناکامی­های خود، از جغرافیای طبیعی ارمنستان به‌منظور نفوذ و لشکرکشی استفاده کرد. به همین منظور و در راستای اقدامات رومی­ها که این منطقه را برای لشکرکشی به داخل ایران انتخاب نمودند، دولت اشکانی برای مقابله با حملات متناوب آنها، رشته استحکامات تدافعی در گذرگاه­های طبیعی ورودی به فلات ایران ایجاد کرد. در این پژوهش، با رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی و با روش میدانی و کتابخانه­ای و با استناد به منابع مکتوب تاریخی و داده­های باستان­شناختی که شامل بررسی قلاع دوره اشکانی و مستندات باستان­شناسی بوده به مطالعه ارتباطات و منازعات مابین بین ملل قدرتمند در دوران اشکانی پرداخته شده است. همچنین مطالعه­ فوق به بازشناسی روابط بین دو امپراتوری مذکور و به‌تبع آن شناخت جغرافیایی سیاسی- نظامی ارمنستان توجه کرده است. نتیجه به دست آمده نشان­دهنده­ اهمیت موقعیت ژئوپلیتیک ارمنستان، در روابط سیاسی- نظامی ایران با کشورهای همسایه و رقبا بوده است.    }, keywords_fa = {Armenia,Iran,Parthian,Roman,Geopolitical landscape,Archaeology}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55812.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_55812_b38e08894ebc8fe3cb997ddd2bf5a24a.pdf} }