@article { author = {KOOLAEE, ELAHEH and Abedi, Afifeh}, title = {Geopolitical Components of the Russian Foreign Policy}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {1-25}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract Introduction After a period of instability and conflict with various problems in the 1990s, Russian foreign relations have reached a relatively balanced situation since 2000. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin, many analysts estimate Russian foreign policy is that Moscow seeks to revive itself as a major power by using its geopolitical advantages. With the indexation of Russian foreign policy, the present study attempts to explain why analysis of Russian foreign policy can be considered in terms of the components of geopolitics using the framework of neoclassical realism, without resorting to more macroeconomic views on geopolitics and international relations. Neoclassical realism has more power not only to weigh the components that affect Russian foreign policy, but also to explain the motives, goals, decision-making processes and foreign policy behaviors.  Methodology The choice of a specific theoretical framework in this research suggests that this research has been done by collecting library resources as a data analysis technique as well as using conceptual elements and the authors’ theoretical and experimental backgrounds. Result and discussion The most important estimates of this research are as follows: 1) The theory of neoclassical realism, which takes into account the number and ratio of variables affecting the state's foreign policy and behavior more carefully, is a more appropriate theoretical model for analyzing Russian foreign policy. 2) Russian foreign policy should be analyzed both within the framework of its historical and traditional policy during the Soviet era, and also in the framework of a new foreign policy inspired by historical experiences and adapted to the new conditions of Russia and the international system of implementation. 3) Moscow's experiences of the international system after the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to the fact that, although all the Russian political and security documents emphasize the priority of the former Soviet Union (the former geographical zone of the Soviet Union), but since 2011, and in particular since 2015, Russia has expanded its field of engagement with the United States into the Middle East and more issues. 4) Russian foreign policy, especially in the last decade, with Vladimir Putin's leadership; contains security perspectives on unilateral US actions in the world arena and the enlargement of NATO to the East; orientation toward the East; and strategic competition and interaction with China. Political-security-economic domination on the “Near Abroad”, which fully reflects geopolitical components on all three axes. The reason for the significance of these components is also influenced by various components such as the restructuring and the degradation of Russian position after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the systematic results, internal factors in Russia such as the perception of the leaders about a systematic stimulus, socio-political domains such as relations between the society and government, strategic culture, internal institutions, foreign policy responses and their international outcomes. Conclusion While Russian leaders have a security perception of structural changes and their systematic results, geopolitics not only has its own senses, that is, it depends on the territorial features and geographical location, but also is important in the outcome of the systemic developments and its implications in Russian foreign policy. From of Russian leaders’ point of view, the security interests of this country with geopolitical priorities should be secured using political-economic and even military means. At the same time, it looks at new international crises as opportunities and threats. The total of such factors makes the foreign policy approach a set of interactive and contradictory strategies, and the spread of the areas of these interactions and contradictions to various regions is expanding and reinforces the notion that geopolitical factors are very important in Russian foreign policy. The result of this paper is that new classical realism is the appropriate theory to analyze Russian foreign policy.}, keywords = {Geopolitics,Foreign Policy,Neoclassical realism,Putin,Russia}, title_fa = {مؤلفه های ژئوپلیتیکی سیاست خارجی روسیه}, abstract_fa = {روابط خارجی روسیه پس از یک دوره بی ثباتی و درگیری با مسائل و دشواری های گوناگون در دهه ١٩٩٠، از سال ٢٠٠٠ و با روی کار آمدن ولادیمیر پوتین به یک وضعیت به نسبت متعادلی رسید. ارزیابی بسیاری از تحلیلگران از سیاست خارجی روسیه این است که مسکو با استفاده از مزیت های ژئوپلیتیکی خود به دنبال احیای جایگاه یک قدرت بزرگ است. در این مقاله با شاخص بندی سیاست خارجی روسیه، نویسندگان توضیح می دهند چرا بدون توسل به نظریه های کلانتر ژئوپلیتیک و روابط بین الملل، با استفاده از نظریه واقع گرایی نوکلاسیک می توان به تجزیه و تحلیل سیاست خارجی روسیه با توجه به به تأثیر مؤلفه های ژئوپلیتیکی پرداخت. مفروض نویسندگان این است که از آغاز هزاره سوم نوعی تداوم و پیوستگی در سیاست خارجی روسیه وجود داشته که به شناخت مؤلفه ها و متغیرهای دخیل در آن و تاحدی پیش بینی سیاست خارجی روسیه در آینده نزدیک کمک کرده است. بر اساس یافته های پژوهش آنان، نظریه واقع گرایی و به طور ویژه واقع گرایی نوکلاسیک، برای تحلیل سیاست خارجی روسیه مناسب به نظر می رسد. واقع گرایی نوکلاسیک نه تنها از قدرت بیشتری برای وزن دادن به مؤلفه های مؤثر بر سیاست خارجی روسیه، بلکه از قدرت بیشتر برای تبیین انگیزه ها، اهداف، فرآیند تصمیم‌گیری و رفتارهای آن برخوردار است. در واقع گرایی نوکلاسیک به دولت تنها یک بازیگر منفعل نیست. واقع گراهای نوکلاسیک به جای این فرضیه که دولت ها در جستجوی امنیت هستند، این فرض را در نظر می گیرند که دولت ها به دلیل بی اطمینانی ناشی از آنارشی بین المللی، به دنبال کنترل و شکل دادن به محیط بین‌المللی هستند. بر این اساس دولت ها بدون در نظر گرفتن بسیاری از روش‌ها که ممکن است منافع آنها را تعریف کند، در پی افزایش نفوذ و گسترش توان عملیاتی خود هستند.}, keywords_fa = {ژئوپلیتیک,سیاست خارجی,واقع‌گرایی نوکلاسیک,پوتین,روسیه}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66679.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66679_8632e20c9d0bbf4d41ab5cf6cdfac59a.pdf} } @article { author = {Kaviani Rad, Morad and Azami, Hadi and Bakhshi, Ahmad and Rasouli, Majid}, title = {Explaining the Territoriality of Fundamentalist Organizations in Fragile States (Case Study: ISIS in Egypt)}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {26-57}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract Intrduction Fundamentalism in the form of action and behavior is one of the security issues of today's world, in such a way that territorialize and territoriality of the fundamentalist terrorist groups has become a major part of the world's security literature. Over the past decade, the region of North Africa has emerged from internal crises, regional political and ideological rivalries, and the interference of trans-national powers as the focal point for the emergence and expansion of radical ideas in such a way that the costs and effects of macroeconomics at the internal and international levels. In the meantime, the northern continent of Africa, and in particular the Egyptian state as a fragile state, has created the internal factors and the role of regional and international intervention powers providing opportunities for the expansion of ISIS's fundamentalist organization. With the advent of this group in Iraq and Syria, a new chapter was opened up on territorialization movements in the history of the region's transformations. Initially, the group was able to exploit the security gaps and internal crises in the developments in the southwestern Asia region, especially in the Syria civil war and structural disruptions in Iraq. After setting up in the South West Asia region, ISIS chose North African countries, in particular, Egypt as their next destination in the form of an action territorialitionaly. Methodology The research is of a practical, applied and descriptive-analytical method. The required data and information is also provided by the library method. In this framework, first, using library studies (internal and external) of this research (documents and documents such as internal and external books, specialized journals and articles) as well as information from the World Wide Web (Internet) for collecting information. Then, using the above method, the data has been analyzed. Findins Since the Egyptian Sinai desert after the January 25, 2011 revolution, and the dismissal of Hosni Mubarak, has not been peaceful, it has become a security and pride for the Egyptian government at the time of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.Sina's special position is a fertile ground for terrorist groups, but the limitations in the Sinai desert have been such that over the past 40 years, they have prevented the development and establishment of infrastructures necessary to maintain security in the area.Alongside all of the above mentioned, the interconnectedness of internal factors such as the strategic situation and energy sources, the crisis of legitimacy, spatial inequalities (the center-periphery), the weakness of the national correctional elements, the weakness of the central government, and the intervention of regional actors And transnationalism, the decline of the global economy, and the consequences of instability, such as the reduction of tourist incomes, etc., provided grounds for the realization and domination of fundamentalist organizations such as ISIS and other united groups in Egypt. Conclusion The results of the research showed that the fragility of the state, the political and international conditions governing the north of the Sinai peninsula in Egypt after the formation of the Zionist regime, the Arab-Israeli wars and the Camp David peace treaty, along with the ideological geography of the region, the background The realization and domination of ISIL; however, the lack of coordination with the regional and global geopolitical system and the failure of this group in the process of territorialize prevented the emergence of a new political-spatial entity that was rooted in the fundamentalist terrorism.}, keywords = {Territory,Fundamentalism,Unified Field Theory,Fragile State,Egypt}, title_fa = {تبیین قلمروگستری سازمانهای بنیادگرا دردولتهای شکننده (مطالعه موردی: داعش در مصر)}, abstract_fa = {بنیادگرایی در قالب منش و کنش یکی از مسائل امنیتی جهان امروز است به​گونه‎ای که قلمرویابی و قلمروگستری گروه‎های بنیادگرای تروریستی بخش کلانی از ادبیات امنیتی جهان را به خود معطوف داشته است. طی یک دهه گذشته منطقه شمال آفریقا برخاسته از بحران‏های داخلی، رقابت​های سیاسی و ایدئولوژیکی منطقه‌ای و مداخله قدرت​های فرامنطقه‌ای کانون پیدایش و گسترش اندیشه​های افراط​گرایانه شده که هزینه​ها و آثار کلانی در سطوح  داخلی، منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی در پی داشته است. در این میان، شمال قاره آفریقا و به​طور مشخص کشور مصر به‌عنوان دولت شکننده برخاسته از عوامل درونی و نقش‏آفرینی قدرت​های مداخله‏گر منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی فرصت‌های مناسبی برای رشد و گسترش سازمان بنیادگرای داعش فراهم ساخته است. پژوهش حاضر که ماهیتی توصیفی-تحلیلی دارد و داده‏ها و اطلاعات مورد نیاز آن به روش کتابخانه‏ای گردآوری شده در قالب نظریه میدان واحد جونز بر این فرضیه استوار است که متأثر از عوامل داخلی (بحران‎های اجتماعی) و عوامل خارجی (قدرت‌های مداخله‌گر)‎، زمینه قلمروگستری سازمان‌های بنیادگرای تروریستی مانند داعش را در مصر فراهم آورده است. نتیجه پژوهش نشان داد که شکنندگی دولت، ساختار جغرافیایی و پیوستگی‌های ژئوپلیتیکی، به‌همراه محظورات سیاسی و بین‌المللی حاکم بر شمال شبه‌جزیره سینا در مصر زمینه قلمرویابی و قلمروگستری داعش را فراهم کرده است؛ اما عدم همراهی نظام ژئوپلیتیک منطقه‎ای و جهانی و ناکامی این گروه در فرآیند قلمروداری مانع از پیدایش موجودیت سیاسی- فضایی نوینی شد که ریشه در تروریسم بینادگرا داشت.}, keywords_fa = {قلمرو,بنیادگرایی,نظریه میدان متحد,دولت شکننده,مصر}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66680.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66680_a3e3d3da32aaf95172bd0e958a75368c.pdf} } @article { author = {Ahmadi, Sayed Abbas}, title = {Conceptual Explanation of Shiite Geopolitics (A New Definition)}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {58-81}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract Intrduction Concept of Shiite geopolitics has received a good deal of attention particularly among Iranian researchers and writers in the field of political geography and geopolitics during the past two decade. The volume of articles, content and books on the issue has increased significantly. However, majority of them have either failed to present a clear definition of the Shiite geopolitics concept or they have had irrelevant and sometimes conflicting interpretation of it. It seems that lack of transparency and relative stability in the concept has led to increasing ambiguity which in turn it may lead to wanderings and further problems in the future. Accordingly, conceptual explanation and provision of a rather comprehensive definition of the Shiite geopolitics concept which contributes to its scientific identity seems an undeniable necessity. Methodology In the current article, using a descriptive and analytical method and after reviewing suggested definitions and different viewpoints on the concept of Shiite geopolitics, the writer will provide a rather comprehensive definition of the concept which is based on scientific and geographical realities. The method of collecting information is library and is used from books, magazines and various databases of the Internet. Findings The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes: 1. Numerous and contradictory definitions of Shiite geopolitics It is clear that there are different views and attitudes about the subject and the nature of Shiite geopolitics, especially in Iran. Although it has not been long since the design of this concept in the Persian-speaking world, there are numerous, sometimes contradictory, definitions of Shiite geopolitics that will surely make it more difficult to reach consensus in the future. 2. A misunderstanding; Shiite geopolitics is the same as Shiite political geography Most of the views and definitions provided by Shiite geopolitics are considered the same as Shiite political geography. They mean the collection of geospatial data and geographic information in Shiite areas, especially biological foundations and energy sources. Surely, this view can not be a proper conception of Shi'a geopolitics. 3. A scientific mistake; Shiite of geopolitics and the Shiite crescent be one A number of writers have also considered the Shiite crescent and thus interpreted it as a non-scientific and imaginative and conspiracy concept.While the Shiite geopolitics and Shiite crescent can not be considered as a meaning, they are not the same despite the apparent similarity. 4. Non-comprehensive definitions and the need for new definition Other definitions, however worthless, are not of comparative consistency. Each of them has taken a part in the subject. Hence, a more comprehensive definition is needed not only to include the views, but also to respond to the scientific community and researchers and enthusiasts, and can cover the relevant developments well. Analysis What are the characteristics of the new definition of Shiite geopolitics and what should be covered? In the new definition, Shi'a politicization initiates a wave of politicization of religious and religious identities in the world. The Shiites also pursued a Muslim alliance to save global domination. The effort to further influence and expand the sphere of influence of the center of the Shiite territories, Iran, is also completely natural and accepted in international relations, and has served as an effective strategy for the unification and dignity of Muslims and the salvation of world domination. In the new definition, Shi'a geopolitics is not opposed to Sunni geopolitics. The genuine cultural-geopolitical concepts of the Islamic Revolution refer to Islamic unity and the formation of a universal Islamic government, not Shiite supremacy over the Islamic world. According to this definition, all Shiites, as well as the entire Islamic world, are called to a single movement in the face of global arrogance. In the new definition, Shi'a geopolitics does not mean the extension of the political geography of the Shiites outside Iran, nor the equivalent of the imaginary and non-scientific term of the Shiite crescent, and not limited to a particular historical period. Shiite geopolitics is a scientific science with dimensions and specific aspects that have been formed after the Islamic Revolution in Iran and influenced by the West Asian region. Shiite geopolitics has also undergone three evolutionary stages. Identity and self-awareness of the Shiites; the formation of political parties and organizations; the role of the Shiites in the political structure of the countries. Conclusion Thus, given the explanation of the underlying role of the three main factors of geography, politics and power in relation to the Shiite phenomenon, the following definition can be derived from Shiite geopolitics: "Shi'a geopolitics is the combination of the geographical capacities of the Shiite areas with the ideals and teachings of Shi'ite political culture that could put it in the path of empowerment, and to establish the core – periphery interactions in the form of effectiveness and influence between Iran as The center of the Shiite territories and Shiite minorities around Iran after the Islamic Revolution."  }, keywords = {Shiite,Geopolitics,Shiite Geopolitics,Political Geography,Shiite crescent}, title_fa = {تبیین مفهومی ژئوپلیتیک شیعه (ارئه تعریفی جدید)}, abstract_fa = {یکی از مفاهیمی که در دو دهه گذشته به​شدت مورد توجه و علاقه محققان و نویسندگان حوزه جغرافیای سیاسی و ژئوپلیتیک به خصوص در ایران قرار گرفته مفهوم ژئوپلیتیک شیعه است. حجم مقالات، مطالب و کتب منتشر شده در این زمینه به​گونه جالب توجهی رو به افزایش است. این در حالی است که بسیاری از این مطالب یا تعریف مشخص و روشنی از ژئوپلیتیک شیعه ارائه نکرده و یا برداشت​های نامرتبط و گاه ضد و نقیضی از آن داشته​اند. به نظر می​رسد عدم شفافیت و ثبات نسبی در این اصطلاح، روز به روز بر ابهام آن افزوده و سرگردانی‌ها و مشکلاتی را در آینده به​وجود خواهد آورد. بنابراین تبیین مفهومی و ارائه تعریفی نسبتاً جامع که بتواند به هویت علمی آن کمک کند ضرورتی غیرقابل انکار است. در این مقاله نگارنده با روش توصیفی تحلیلی، ضمن بررسی تعاریف و دیدگاههای ارائه شده از سوی صاحبنظران و نویسندگان درباره ژئوپلیتیک شیعه، تعریف جدیدی را بر پایه واقعیت​های علمی و جغرافیایی ارائه می​دهد که نسبت به دیگر تعاریف از جامعیّت بیشتری برخوردار است. بر این اساس در تعریف جدید، ماهیت پویای تحولات سیاسی و نسبت اثرگذاری و اثرپذیری آنها با واقعیت​های جغرافیایی اصالت داشته و مورد توجه بیشتری قرار گرفته است.}, keywords_fa = {شیعه,ژئوپلیتیک,ژئوپلیتیک شیعه,جغرافیای سیاسی,هلال شیعی}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66681.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66681_8f28e1e2e0b96c57294a33384c4c0c50.pdf} } @article { author = {Ahmadi Khoy, Amir Reza and Mottaghi, Ebrahim and Niakoee, Seyed Amir}, title = {Strategic Ideals and Tactical Pragmatism in Iran's Middle East Policy}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {82-112}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract       IntroductionIran Middle East Policy Which is formed according to the position and Main goles of the Iranian state in the region, has been a interesting issue for researchers in this area. The Importance of that is due to eminence of ideals and values in formal foreign policy of the country. Despite the reflection of ideals and values in rhetoric’s of policy makers; the pragmatism can be simultaneously seen in foreign policy action of Iran’s Middle East policy. The Allison organizational process and rising regional powers in international relations can be devised for better understanding of dynamics of ideal-pragmatism in Iran Middle East policy. These factors can be best explanation for analysis of that how Iranian Middle East policy as a rising regional power can integrate this volatile dynamics. MethodologyThis research is based on analytical-descriptive method which with incorporating historical facts of Iran Middle East Policy after the Islamic revolution and concept of pragmatism and its interaction with ideals in the metaphor of policy making, tries to bring an insight to the dynamics of ideals-interest. The theoretical and fact based resources are devised to understand actual and day to day policy making regarding the Middle East.Conceptual Framework This research paper draws its conceptual framework on Graham Allison’s organizational process theory. Additional to that, utilizing rising regional powers equilibrium in international relations riches theoretical analysis of the research. The conceptual framework is provided in this research enables the researchers to explain how the dynamics of ideals-pragmatism is implemented in Iran Middle East policy formation and operation.}, keywords = {Pragmatism,Idealism,Iran's Middle East Policy,Logical Action of Foreign Policy}, title_fa = {آرمان‌های راهبردی و عمل گرایی تاکتیکی در سیاست خاورمیانه‌ای ایران}, abstract_fa = {آرمان‌های راهبردی سیاست خارجی ایران ریشه در فرهنگ سیاسی و شکل‌بندی‌های محیط ژئوپلیتیکی دارد. آرمان‌گرایی بنیان‌های فرهنگی و هویتی سیاست خارجی ایران را شکل می‌دهد، در حالی​که مصالحه‌گرایی و عملگرایی را می​توان در زمره عوامل تأثیرگذار بر الگوهای کنش دیپلماتیک و راهبردی سیاست خارجی ایران دانست. پرسش مقاله حاضر آن است که: «آرمان‌گرایی و عملگرایی چه جایگاهی در روند سیاست خاورمیانه‌ای ایران دارد؟» فرضیه مقاله به این موضوع اشاره دارد که: «آرمان‌گرایی مبتنی بر نشانه‌های هویتی، فرهنگی و تاریخی سیاست خارجی ایران است، در‌حالی‌که ساز و کارهای مدیریت بحران منطقه‌ای بر اساس شیوه‌های عملگرایانه حاصل می‌شود.» در این مقاله از دو رهیافت هویتی و کنش عقلایی در تحلیل تصمیم‌گیری سیاست خارجی استفاده شده است. روش شناسی این پژوهش مبتنی بر رهیافت تحلیلی-توصیفی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه​ای نظری و مستندات سیاست خارجی می​باشد.}, keywords_fa = {عمل گرایی,آرمان‌گرایی,سیاست خاورمیانه‌ای ایران,کنش عقلایی در سیاست خارجی}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66682.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66682_be490e51ed257201d05ab230617ce5fb.pdf} } @article { author = {Rouhi Dehboneh, Majid}, title = {Geopolitical Analysis of Iranian-Turkish Competitions Affected by the Middle East Developments Since 2011}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {113-147}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract  Introduction The Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia and then swept through many Arab countries, began the launch of Iran and Turkey moves to play the role of superior regional power and compete for their desirable order. With these transformation, and in particular the crisis in Syria and Iraq, the two countries were affected by different, and sometimes opposing, national, regional, and ideological contradictions and the effects that these changes could have had for them in terms of win and lose, enter the realm of competition the head of influence, power and regional hegemony. Methodology This research, using an analytical- descriptive method and based on valid data, attempts to identify and analyze the reasons, motivations and the nature of Iran-Turkey competition in the Syria and Iraqi crisis. Findings The findings of this study are as follows: 1. The two countries of Iran and Turkey have long been rivals and even Ottoman times. In the Pahlavi era, competition between the two countries was reduced. During the eight-year Iraq war against Iran, there was little room for competition. After the 1990s, by 2011, the two countries competed in different fields, which Iraq was the most important. The Arab Spring revived the rivalry between the two countries, and the Syrian crisis reached its peak. 2. Important factors such as changes at the Turkish internal level, in particular the work of the AKP, regional changes and the shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran, and ultimately transnational factors, the rivalry between the United States and Russia, as well as Obama's doctrine, in the intensification of competition, they played a very important role. 3. In Syria and Iraq due to its geographical significance for the both Iran and Turkey and its effects on the national security of the two countries, the competition has become profound. It   was become a win-loss game for two actors. Analysis 1.The Nature of Iran-Turkey Rivalry in Iraq and Syria, can be Called Non -Strategic Competition. In other words, they didn’t compete with hostility and the sides did not design their Doctrine against each other. So competing in the form of competition can be evaluated and analyzed so that Rivalry. 2. The two countries of Iran and Turkey shaped the spatial competition for maintenance control and influence in Syrian conflict, because of the geopolitical importance of Syria and its role in reducing and increasing the power of the two countries. 3. Iran and Turkey as the two emerging powers sought to build a new region in accordance with their will and desires and therefore shaped a situational competition in the direction of influence, power and regional hegemony. 4. In the context of an ideological competition as well Turkey had put soft Islamic discourse in its agenda in the region after 2011, And the Islamic Republic of Iran also led revolutionary Islamic discourse and would have liked to win this discourse in the region, there for the competition between the two discourse on a desirable regional order, shaped   an ideological rivalry between the two countries in Iraq and Syria. Conclusion The research results show that the two countries of Iran and Turkey have shaped a significant competition over the relative power share of the new regional fabric after the new developments in the Middle East. The events of Iraq and Syria culminated in the competition. Studies also show that in these cases ideological, geopolitical and economic considerations have been important. The common case of all of these competition has been security concerns. While the regional balance of power in favor of Iran and internal changes in Turkey have played a very important competitive game.}, keywords = {Regional Competition,Geopolitical Competition,Geo-economics Competition,Geo-cultural Competition,Non-Strategic Competition}, title_fa = {تحلیل ژئوپلیتیکی رقابت های ایران و ترکیه متأثر از تحولات خاورمیانه از سال 2011 میلادی}, abstract_fa = {فضای خاورمیانه از سال 2011 با تغییرات و دگرگونی‌های مهمی مواجه شده است. یکی از آثار مهم این دگرگونی‌ها که پویش منطقه‌ای خاورمیانه را تعریف کرده است، رقابت‌ و منازعه سه ضلعی شکل گرفته بین ایران، عربستان سعودی و ترکیه است که از زوایای مختلفی قابل تبیین و ارزیابی است. یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر نشان می‌دهد از دو نوع رقابت متصور بین دولت‌ها؛ یعنی رقابت استراتژیک و رقابت غیراستراتژیک، ماهیت و یا چیستی رقابت بین ایران و ترکیه را می‌توان رقابتی غیراستراتژیک نامید؛ بدین معنی که دو طرف، یکدیگر را خصم و تهدیدی علیه امنیت ملی خویش تصور ننموده‌اند، ولی به​دلایل ژئوپلیتیک و ایدئولوژیک درگیر رقابتی مکانی (بر سر سرزمین، منابع)، موقعیتی (بر سر قدرت نسبی، موقعیت سیاسی- اقتصادی و نفوذ سیاسی بر منطقه) و رقابتی ایده‌ای (بر سر تحمیل و یا القای ایدئولوژی خود) شده‌اند. گرچه شروع این رقابت‌ها به​صورت جدی‌تر از سال 2003 میلادی و از عراق  پس از صدام آغاز شد، اما با رسیدن عرصه تحولات به سوریه، با توجه به نگرانی‌ها و الزامات ژئوپلتیکی و ایدئولوژیک شدید دو بازیگر، رقابت شکل عمیق‌تری به​خود گرفت؛ به​گونه‌ای که در یک فضای رئالیستی درگیر رقابت بر مبنای  برد– باخت شدند.   }, keywords_fa = {رقابت منطقه‌ای,رقابت ژئوپلیتیکی,رقابت ژئواکونومیکی,رقابت ژئوکالچری,رقابت غیراستراتژیک}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66683.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66683_d38b56b6352af522433c1692084a66ca.pdf} } @article { author = {Amini, azam and Mianabadi, Hojjat and Naddaf, Naser}, title = {The Role of Diplomacy in the Paris Agreement}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {148-175}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract       IntroductionThe Paris Agreement is the result of multilateral diplomacy and long-term process of negotiation started in 2007 and released with the approval of the treaty in accordance with international law in Paris by 2015. Reducing the temperature below 2°C and convincing developing countries to accept emission reduction commitments was a major challenge to climate change. A fundamental revision on climate change regime happened in the Paris agreement and it moved from hard distinction approach on emission reduction commitments in the Kyoto Protocol towards a more global and comprehensive approach.MethodologyBy a descriptive and analytical way as well as the study of papers and documents, the first section presents the process of formation of the Paris agreement and its framework and the principles governing it. The second section examines the main results that arise in the negotiating space and analyzes its achievements.Discussion FrameworkThe Paris Agreement is the result of a compromise between, on the one hand, the Europe and several developing countries looking for a legally binding treaty, and on the other hand, the U.S. who was insistent to achieve an outcome that did not require the approval of the Senate, as well as China and India, who insisted no new commitments should be imposed on developing countries.The “intended nationally determined contributions” (INDC) was introduced at COP19 held in Warsaw in November 2013. INDC and the use of the term "measures" instead of "commitment" had significant role in leading to the 2015 Paris Agreement. The EU’s strict stance in support of 1.5°C temperature and separation the poorer developing countries from the large emerging economy countries motivated by negotiation tactics, resulted in changes in positions and reaching a consensus on below 2°C.There are different types of commitments in this agreement and the scope of members’ obligations depend on their interpretation of terms in each article. INDCs are different with respect to the internal situation for each country. The agreement structure is continuous and long-term and nations shall gather every five years and represent their collective progress and reduction plans. They should update these measures, and the members have no right to reverse their previous actions.It should be stressed on financial mechanism that in spite of reaching consensus on $100 billion annual aid from 2020 for developing nations to address climate change issues, in which was recognized in the Copenhagen Agreement (COP15), the text of the Paris agreement has not mentioned any assistance and what has finally been approved does not require any assistance. In this agreement, the concept of damage was identified and strengthened in the agreements, but with the efforts of the United States and other developed countries, it was forbidden to bring liability proceedings to compensate for it.The Paris Agreement is the result of twenty-five years of global negotiations on combating climate change. Even though it establishes common commitments for all nations, it is based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. In this agreement, although members are obliged to fulfill their commitments, these commitments are determined by varying domestic and internal circumstances. Although the purpose of this agreement is to minimize greenhouse gas emissions, it will take longer time for developing countries.Conclusion The Paris Agreement is the result of 25 years of UN negotiations in the fight against climate change. Even though it establishes common commitments for all nations, it is based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. In this agreement, however, nations are obliged to fulfill their commitments, but these commitments are determined in internal scale and with respect to different internal situations. Although the purpose of this agreement is to minimize greenhouse gas emissions, it takes longer time for developing countries.}, keywords = {Diplomacy,Environment,Climate change,Paris Agreement}, title_fa = {نقش دیپلماسی در موافقت‌نامه اقلیمی پاریس}, abstract_fa = {امنیت زیست­محیطی بخش مهمی از امنیت ملی و انسانی است. با توجه به چالش­های موجود و پیش­رو در مسایل زیست­محیطی در دنیا، گزینش رویکردی جامع و پایدار به مقوله امنیت زیست­محیطی ضروری است. حل چالش­های ایجاد شده محیط­زیستی نیازمند همکاری­های بین­المللی برای بهره­بردای منصفانه و منطقی کشورها از منابع طبیعی بدون آسیب­رسانی به کشورهای دیگراست. این مسئله نیازمند نوعی ایده­آل از دیپلماسی است که تعاملی مثبت با تمامی طرف­های ذی­مدخل داشته و به همکاری و مشارکت گروهی با در نظر گرفتن منافع منصفانه و منطقی منطقه­ای و جهانی منجر شود به گونه­ای که منافع و امنیت ملی کشورها همسو با منافع و امنیت جهانی تأمین گردد. موافقت‌نامه اقلیمی پاریس محصول دیپلماسی چندجانبه و فرایند طولانی مدت مذاکراتی است که از سال  2007 در بالی آغاز شد و در دسامبر 2015 در پاریس تصویب شد. هر چند این موافقت‌نامه تمایز میان کشورها و واقعیات مربوط به درجه توسعه یافتگی آنها را می­پذیرد اما مرزبندی­های مزبور را درنوردیده و تعهدات مشترکی را در خصوص کاهش انتشار، انطباق و شفافیت برای همه کشورها ایجاد می­کند. دستیابی به یک توافق تازه حقوقی، هم از نظر سیاسی و هم از نظر فنی بسیار دشوار بود و این مهم حاصل نشد مگر با مذاکرات متعدد که در طی چند سال صورت گرفت و در پاریس به ثمر نشست. هدف از این مقاله، بررسی تأثیر دیپلماسی در شکل­گیری موافقت‌نامه اقلیمی پاریس است که در آن چالش­های متعدد دستیبابی به این موافقت‌نامه بین­المللی را در ابعاد مختلف ساختاری، حقوقی، مالی، تعهدات و محتوای  آن بررسی و واکاوی می­کند. نتایج نشان می­دهد که دیپلماسی­های فعال زیست­محیطی، چگونه نقش پررنگ و اثرگذاری در تعیین محتوا و ساختارهای مختلف این موافقت‌نامه در فرآیند مذاکرات داشته است.}, keywords_fa = {دیپلماسی,محیط زیست,تغییرات اقلیمی,موافقت‌نامه اقلیمی پاریس}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66684.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66684_7064826fdbbc1a3ae347d1c3df76c346.pdf} } @article { author = {Vasegh, Mahmood and Badiei Azandahi, Marjan and Nabavi, Lotfollah and mohamadi, ahad}, title = {A Reflection on the Subject of Geography}, journal = {Geopolitics Quarterly}, volume = {14}, number = {49}, pages = {176-221}, year = {2018}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics}, issn = {1735-4331}, eissn = {2538-3698}, doi = {}, abstract = {Extended Abstract      Introduction In science of Logic, a science subject include thing that in this the science will be discussed of conditions and accidents the essential and it’s immediate. Accidents the essential to those attributes of things and phenomena is said that directly arises from the essence of the phenomenon or things and in its existence not need no intermediary. Though relying on the “subject” for the definition and classification of sciences contain of ancient and long history, but it should be noted that the application of this criteria is not effective for defining all the Sciences; because the definition a science based on subject, when possible that first, the science Intended been components the real sciences and phenomena under the study of Its, be eligible essence and characteristics (accidents) essential. Second, Sciences which are defined and classified based on the subject, at least have three basic characteristics that include: 1. their sentences and problems being universal 2. Being necessary the relations between subjects and predicates of their propositions 3. Being demonstrative. For this reason, those sciences which first their under investigation phenomena are unreal and secondly the above-mentioned three characteristics are lacking, cannot be based on the subject, defined. This category of science that are known as the "Credit Sciences", should be based on other criteria, including based on teleo and method, defined and categorized. In other words, the definition of the subject, merely special the real sciences is such as philosophy, logic and mathematics and does not include credit sciences such as the social sciences and including geography. And maintaining the integrity of the social sciences as well as geography through the teleo and its function, eligible reasonable benefits and offered more functionality of define subject is for these disciplines and can rescue this sciences of  current philosophical the stagnation and crisis. Methodology The present study due to the nature of philosophy and own logical, is among the fundamental and theoretical research. This study is based on descriptive and analytical method (logical) and its analysis is done based on logical reasoning and arguments. Therefore, discussions and matters from this series of documentaries and library are considered. Result and discussion Based on research conducted in the subject science of Geography, it can be said: geography is among the sciences without subject. Because the subject can be raised only in those sciences that phenomena and things of the study of those sciences, essence eligible and consequently, be essential characteristics eligible and this feature there is only the real science that them investigated phenomena independent of the will of man, are available. Accordingly, because Sciences unreality (Sciences credit) such as social sciences, such as geography, unreal phenomena and man-made (credit) they can read, that are lacks essence, cannot they Have an subject because the subject when  have mean that first be essence in the work and secondly considered essential characteristics. Since the main field of the study science of Geography is considered to be credit phenomenon of space and we know Geographical space is phenomenon lacks essence and essential characteristics and therefore the science of geography which is engaged in the study of such phenomenon cannot be eligible subject. Conclusion Given that the subject a science include one thing in which science does discussion about the accidents and essential characteristics that, therefore objective Sciences are the sciences which the study of Its phenomena, to be essence eligible and then characteristics (accidents) essential. Also propositions these sciences, is universal, necessary and permanent and this sciences will be a demonstrational but geography because it phenomenon case the study of its (space and time) is lacks essence and statements It is personal therefore above features will not have. So of logical point of view, geography cannot be the subject and any attempt to define Geography objective this string will be faced with a logical contradiction. Since the geography is empirical, social, credit science and placed in rows Sciences practical and functional and has the nature of the problem solving not only need to have does not the subject but also thematic objective to geography, has been caused lack of dynamism and caught this knowledge in an identity crisis and philosophical. So to define of geography must has rely on its functional the nature because the definition of functional and teleo-oriented, for Geography will enhance authority and position and Its role in various fields of political, social, economic and macroeconomic planning development, planning and formulation of comprehensive national strategies and transnational over the current situation. It can therefore be defined Geography in terms of teleo and function in the form knowledge production and management space.}, keywords = {Essence,Essential characteristics,Subject of science,Real sciences,Credit Sciences,Teleo of sciences,Geography}, title_fa = {تأمّلی در موضوع علم جغرافیا}, abstract_fa = {بر اساس تعریف علمای علم منطق، موضوعِ یک علم عبارت از آن چیزی است که در آن علم از احوال و عوارض ذاتی و بی­واسطۀ آن بحث می­شود. عوارض ذاتی به آن دسته از صفات اشیاء و پدیده­ها گفته می­شود که مستقیماً از ذات پدیده یا شیء برمی­خیزند و در موجودیّت خود نیازمند هیچ واسطه­ای نمی­باشند. به‌طور مثال، صفاتی چون رشد و تغذیه در زمرۀ صفات ذاتی موجودات جاندار بوده و مستقیماً به ذات آن­ها وابسته­اند. همچنین صفت نطق(تفکّر) در انسان، صفتی است که به‌طور مستقیم به ذات انسان وابسته است. در حالی­که وقتی به صفت نویسنده در مورد انسان اشاره می­شود، این صفت با واسطۀ صفت تفکّر و نطق به انسان نسبت داده می­شود. صفاتی نظیر وحدت و کثرت، حادث و قدیم، مجرّد و مادّی و نظایر این­ها، در زمرۀ صفات ذاتی هستی به​شمار می­روند امّا صفاتی چون سنگین یا سبک، سرد یا گرم جزو صفات باواسطۀ هستی محسوب می­شوند؛ زیرا هستی ذاتاً سنگین یا سبک، سرد یا گرم و ... نیست و این صفات صرفاً از طریق واسطه­ای به نام جسم به هستی نسبت داده می­شود. مطابق بیان فوق آن دسته از علوم که به مطالعۀ پدیده­ها و اشیاء حقیقی که واجد ذات هستند، می­پردازند؛ در زمرۀ علوم حقیقی قرار می­گیرند؛  نظیر فلسفه، ریاضیات و منطق. روشن است این دسته از علوم به دلیل پرداختن به هستی­های دارای ذات، واجد موضوع می­باشند. امّا آن گروه از علومی که به مطالعه در احوال پدیده­های فاقد ذات می­پردازند، جزء علوم اعتباری محسوب می­شوند؛ نظیر علوم اجتماعی و از جمله علم جغرافیا. در علومی نظیر جامعه­شناسی و جغرافیا، پدیده­هایی همچون جامعه، کشور، ملّت، دولت، سازمان­ها و نهادها، فضاها و نظایر آن­ها که پدیده­هایی برساخته و اعتباری بوده و فاقد ذات هستند، مورد مطالعه قرار می­گیرند. شکّی نیست که پدیده­های فاقد ذات، به طریق اولی فاقد صفات ذاتی نیز هستند و از آنجا که در تعریف موضوع یک علم، پرداختن به صفات ذاتی پدیدۀ مورد مطالعۀ آن علم شرط اصلی است، لذا با فقدان ذات و ایضاً صفات ذاتی، به​خودی خود موضوع نیز منتفی خواهد شد. بر این اساس می­توان گفت علم جغرافیا به​دلیل مطالعه پیرامون پدیده­های فاقد ذات (اعتباری)، فاقد موضوع می­باشد. هدف اصلی این مقاله تحقیق و بررسی پیرامون این مسئله است.}, keywords_fa = {ذات,صفات ذاتی,موضوع علم,علوم حقیقی,علوم اعتباری,غایت علم,جغرافیا}, url = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66685.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iag.ir/article_66685_402b2831fe4e147e72f8984be0eeeda2.pdf} }