انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622Conceptualizing of Sport Geopoliticsمفهومسازی ژئوپلیتیک ورزش14856018FAزهرا احمدی پورـ دانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسرضا جنیدیـ دانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسچمران بویهـ دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسسید سعادت حسینی دمابیـکارشناس ارشد مترجمی زبان انگلیسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران جنوبJournal Article20110423Introduction <br />Geopolitics of sport is one of the geopolitical modern discourses that addresses and analysis the political consequences of sport matches. Today, sport competitions overshadow relations of states and social- political groups and are knotted with concepts such as national power, competition, convergence, conflict, nationalism, national unity and solidarity and the like, and affect states’ and nations’ attitudes and views towards each other. The tendency of public thoughts to obtain news and information concerning to sport events in the other hand and immense reflection of sport events in mass media of communication from the other hand have caused sport and politics to get increasingly closer to each other. Accepting the idea that the world of sport is quite different from politics and its independence from political games seems a simplistic matter. While some people try to emphasize on this idea that sport and politics must be separate from each other, because sport is one of human spiritual longings and politicians and policymakers activities are out of their spiritual longings. In reality, although one of the International Olympic Committee goals, under giving the concession of Olympic Games, is opposing with misusing of sportsmen and sport, but throughout the history of modern Olympic it cannot be find games which are not affected by politics in different means. Even, the primary Olympic champions were rooted in policies of its own time, which were aimed to draw each other, specially the city- states of the ancient Greece, to competition. Modern Olympics are scenes to state some issues like wars, boycotts, strikes and terrorist attacks that all of these matters are in the domain of politics. In addition, sport because of its content and cultural importance, is strongly knotted with the international political-economic systems. All of host countries (politicians) use Olympics to progress their countries and to generate national pride and national unity by holding national and identical festivals. It has been said many ethical, philosophical and literary comments about functions of sport. However, each comment underlines one of its aspects and fails to consider other political- social functions of sport. For example, for an enthusiastic evolutionary like Cheguevara, “Football is no just a simple game; it is a weapon of the revolution”. Others, like Merlie Kessler chides football and some of them say, “Football players, like prostitutes, are in the business of ruining their bodies for the pleasure of strangers”. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This article tries to analyze the geopolitical functions of sport competitions using analytical, descriptive and survey methods. At first, social and political functions of sport (28 functions) were determined by referring to library sources, and then a questionnaire was designed in order to compare the importance and affection of the political- social functions of sport competitions. After that, opinions of 30 experts of political sciences, international relations, political geography, sport sciences, and social sciences were collected and studied. Finally, the views were assessed and analyzed using the T-Student and the Friedman tests. These tests raise the question of “Do all factors have the same affection from point of view of experts or not?”. Cranach’s alpha coefficient was used to determine the reliability and validity of the questions. The number obtained is = α99%. With regards to this fact that the standard level in this test is 75%, the obtained alpha (99%) shows that the questionnaire has collected the needed information more than the standard. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />The results of the research indicate that the most important political-social functions of the discourse of sport are: strengthening nationalism, strengthening the sense of territoriality, developing globalization, strengthening other national identities, athletic competitions as forums to geopolitical gestures, geopolitical seclusion, raising the geopolitical dignity, promoting the terrorist activities, strengthening convergence and weakening divergence, sport as a socializing factor, sport as a unifying factor, sport as a forum to transform the society, sport as a factor that promotes social security and morality, sport as an alternative to war, sport as a propagandistic tool of politicians, neo-liberalism and reification of sportsmen, sport as a factor that creates joy and pride, pattern making from sporting, sexual and ethnic reconstruction, promoting human rights, promoting violence, draining people’s emotional energies, convincing people to accept current status, football as an alternative for religion, deviating people’s attention from their real social position, football as a deconstructing factor in the age of meta-narratives and developing sport tourism in the frame of geopolitical tourism. <br /> <br /> هدف این مقاله بررسی کارکردهای سیاسی اجتماعی رقابتهای ورزشی در چارچوب گفتمان ژئوپلیتیک ورزش است. روش شناسی تحقیق حاضر بر این پایه استوار است که ژئوپلیتیک ورزش نیز مانند سایر گرایشهای ژئوپلیتیکی میتواند به مثابه تیغ دو دم نقشآفرینی کند. بهعبارتی، بسته بهنحوه و اهداف استفاده از ژئوپلیتیک ورزش، کارکرد آن متغیر خواهد بود. بر این اساس، مقاله حاضر تلاش میکند کارکردهای دوگانه رقابتهای ورزشی را با بهرهگیری از روش توصیفی - تحلیلی و پیمایشی مورد بررسی قرار دهد.نتایج تحقیق نشان میدهد که مهمترین کارکردهای سیاسی - اجتماعی گفتمان ژئوپلیتیک ورزش عبارتند از: تقویت ملیگرایی، تقویت حس قلمروخواهی، توسعه جهانی شدن، تقویت هویتهای دیگر ملی. رقابتهای ورزشی محملی برای ژستهای ژئوپلیتیکی، انزوای ژئوپلیتیکی، ارتقای منزلت ژئوپلیتیکی، رواج فعالیتهای تروریستی، تقویت همگرایی و تضعیف واگرایی است، ورزش بهعنوان عاملی اجتماعی کننده، ورزش بهعنوان عاملی وحدتبخش، ورزش بهعنوان محملی برای دگرگونی اجتماعی، ورزش بهعنوان عامل ارتقای اخلاقی و امنیت اجتماعی، ورزش بهعنوان جایگزین جنگ، ورزش بهعنوان ابزار تبلیغی سیاستمداران، نئولیبرالیسم و شیئیسازی ورزشکاران، ورزش بهعنوان عاملی شادیبخش و غرور آفرین میباشد، الگوسازی ورزشی، بازنمایی نژادی و جنسی، توسعه حقوق بشر، ترویج خشونت، تخلیه انرژی هیجانی مردم، قانع کردن مردم به عادلانه بودن نظم موجود، فوتبال جانشینی برای مذهب، انحراف توجه مردم از موقعیت اجتماعی واقعی خود، شالودهشکنی فوتبال در عصر فراروایتها و توسعه جهانگردی ورزشی از دیگر کارکردهای ورزش است. بر اساس نتایج آزمون فریدمن و t استودنت میزان اهمیت و اثربخشی هر یک از کارکردهای 28 گانه رقابتهای ورزشی از نظر کارشناسان این حوزه از میزان اعتبار متفاوتی برخوردارند.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56018_1b2c4e96568376f840039bff55c6d63f.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622Explanation of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Geopolitical Relationship with Kazakhstanتبیین ژئوپلیتیکی روابط جمهوری اسلامی ایران و جمهوری قزاقستان498156019FAالهه کولایی- استاد روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه تهرانامیر ابراهیمی- کارشناس ارشد مطالعات منطقه ای دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20110916Introduction <br />Republic of Kazakhstan with continental location and lack of accessibility to the open seas, unique capability of the Islamic Republic of Iran to control energy production regions, energy transmission lines and energy consumption markets provide new opportunities to foreign investment in Iran. Iran by placing in the geographical center of region should be considered as an international center for investment, transfer of goods and in particular energy, but over the years after the collapse of Soviet Union, Central Asia has been the bed to regional competitions and political and economic presence of trans-regional powers and their influence in these republics. Therefore, one of the most important factors limiting the mobility space for comprehensive development of relation with Iran is the presence of these countries. In addition, there are some internal problems and obstacles in these countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the gap between initial expectations and they have an important role in the status quo. In this paper the role of two the countries, the United States and Russia is studied as factors affecting the development of Iran’s relations with the Republic of Kazakhstan as an independent variable in order to study and analyze the relations between Iran and Kazakhstan as the dependent variable. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This paper tries to evaluate the hypothesis through descriptive approach and is mostly based on analysis. Data gathering procedure is based on various methods like library method. Internet, books and experts papers of Central Eurasia library (University of Tehran) were used in the data-gathering step. After data classifying by means of descriptive-analytical approach data were analyzed. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />Iran for the landlocked Central Asia is a good transportation route, which can bring Kazakhstan’s oil and gas production in the best shape to open seas. Despite the efforts of the US government to ignore this trait and the politics of oil and gas transmission, Iran is considered as the safest, the most economic and short path for energy supplies transferring to the open seas. American foreign policy toward the Caspian region will ignore the important increasing interdependencies between Iran and its northern neighbors. Therefore, one of the most important factors limiting maneuvering space for the Islamic Republic of Iran which prevents comprehensive development with these countries is the U.S. In recent years, Russia also has been able to use energy to play the role of an important political actor. Russia is not willing to accept the limitation on its role in this field and entrance of other rivals in this arena. Therefore, Russia carefully considers the actions of other countries, especially Iran. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Although the end of the Cold War would provide for Iran appropriate geopolitical opportunities to create an independent relationship with its northern neighbors, but arrival of the US in this region following the power vacuum created and took advantage of the geography and geographical elements against our country has limited Iran’s geopolitical opportunities after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although Iran does not have hostile relations with the Republic of Kazakhstan, but it failed to find an important place in the country’s economic relations in such a way that the energy transmission lines are in more or less control of Russia. In fact, Iran’s relation with the Republic of Kazakhstan is only preventing damage of existing relationships, but this matter cannot take away the shadow of the US hostility and Russia’s concerns. <br /> <br /> فروپاشی شوروی و شکلگیری جمهوریهای جدید، ارزش و اهمیت جایگاه سرزمینی ایران را در منطقه و جهان، بیش از پیش ارتقا بخشیده است. جمهوری قزاقستان محصور در خشکی است و برای تأمین تقاضاهای متنوع و نیز عرضه نفت و گاز خود به بازارهای جهانی، به مسیرهای ارتباطی کوتاه و مطمئن منتهی به آبهای آزاد نیازمند است. موقعیت سرزمینی ایران در قلب منطقه خاورمیانه، واقعیت ارزشمند اما بالقوهای است که میتواند ظرفیتهای متنوع و گسترده جدیدی برای تجارت، صنعت، خدمات، افزایش درآمد ملی و در نتیجه انباشت سرمایهها و توسعه و حتی امنیت برای کشور ایجاد کند. اما زمینهها و عواملی چون خلاء قدرت ایجاد شده پس از فروپاشی شوروی، موقعیت ژئوپلیتیکی منطقه، استقرار در نزدیکی تقاطع آسیا و اروپا، دارا بودن دومین منابع بزرگ انرژی دنیا، بازار مصرف انبوه و رو به رشد و تمایل کشورهای آسیای مرکزی برای حضور قدرتهای فرامنطقهای با هدف کاهش وابستگی به روسیه و جذب سرمایهگذاری خارجی و توسعه اقتصادی، باعث حضور قدرتهای منطقهای و فرامنطقهای در آسیای مرکزی گردیده و موانعی جدی برای حضور مؤثرتر ایران بهوجود آورده است. سؤال اصلی مقاله این است که ایران با توجه به موقعیت ژئوپلیتیکی خود، چگونه از این فرصت در جهت توسعه روابط با جمهوری قزاقستان بهره برده است؟ در این مقاله سعی شده است با توجه به واقعیتهای ژئوپلیتیکی منطقه، در واقع مهمترین عوامل تأثیرگذار در موقعیت و منزلت ژئوپلیتیکی ایران در جهت گسترش روابط با جمهوری قزاقستان مورد بررسی و تحلیل قرار گیرد.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56019_41808c5738b6ff564fc204487cbd0724.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622The Geopolitics of Energy: EU and Energy Securityژئوپلیتیک انرژی: اتحادیه اروپا و امنیت انرژی8210756020FAبهادر امینیانـ استادیار روابط بینالملل، دانشکده روابط بینالمللJournal Article20110915Introduction <br />Serious changes in the actors, resources and control methods in the international politics are under way. Over the past years energy resources has been at the forefront of great powers interest and has functioned as determinant factor in their regional and world politics. Due to limited energy resources and problems of safety and affordable access to them, this issue has become one of the most important issues in international security. Energy security is crucial for the European countries that are dependent on importing energy resources. <br />Methodology <br />This research uses the descriptive- analytical method. This article focuses on the future situation of the Europe energy and then uses the future study techniques. The analysis of current trends can provide the better understanding of future. <br />Result and discussion <br />Energy is one of the most crucial issues for the Europe and its economy that prosperity and daily life depends on it. The Europe depends on import of energy resource. The European energy demands import from Russia and Middle East. The facts show increasingly demands and vulnerabilities for the European countries that are mainly dependant on the Russian and Middle East countries. The energy security is in the top security priorities of the Europe and European countries and their policies that want to access to security and reliable energy resources. Several energy projects like NABOCU, SOUTH STREAM, AGRI and other projects are under considerations but the problem remains unsolved. The political considerations prevent the European benefit from the Iranian resources opportunities. Increasing demands of the west Asian countries (China and India) and their investment in the Iranian energy fields have crucial role in future of Europe that is very important issue. <br />Conclusion <br />European countries to deal with their vulnerabilities in energy dependence should seek some new alternatives. The political considerations prevent Europe to use their best option. Iran is the most serious, secure and economic option. This reality force Europe to consider their anti Iranian policies. Iran should have different plans to use future realities. <br /> <br /> تغییری جدی در بازیگران، منابع و شیوههای کنترل در عرصه سیاست بینالملل در حال رخ دادن است. برای اتحادیه اروپا، محدودیت منابع انرژی و همچنین مشکلات دستیابی مطمئن و ارزان به منابع انرژی بویژه پس از روشن شدن این واقعیت که این ابزار میتواند بهعنوان ابزار سیاسی بهکار گرفته شود، باعث شده تا منابع انرژی و خطوط انتقال آنها به عامل بسیار مهم و حیاتی در عرصه سیاست بینالملل و امنیت بینالملل تبدیل گردد. تحولات اخیر در کشورهای صادر کننده نفت و گاز اهمیت این مسأله را افزایش داده است. هدف این پژوهش بررسی تعامل این عامل مهم ژئوپلیتیکی با سیاست بینالملل، راهکارهای اروپا برای کاهش آسیبپذیری در عرصه انرژی و وابستگی ضد امنیتی و ایجاد امنیت نسبی میباشد. برای نیل به این هدف با بهرهگیری از روشهای تحلیلی و تکنیکهای آیندهپژوهی بهدنبال نشان دادن آینده ابعاد آسیبپذیریهای اروپا در مسأله وابستگی شدید در مسأله انرژی و مشکلات آنها در دهههای فرارو هستیم و از این طریق به این نتیجهگیری میرسیم که فرصتهایی که ایران میتواند برای اتحادیه اروپا ایجاد کند بسیار حائز اهمیت و غیر قابل چشمپوشی است. این مسأله میتواند پیامدهای ژئوپلیتیکی و سیاسی گستردهای در سالهای پیشرو داشته باشد.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56020_92639638811f3eb32e0b006257b923ff.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622Analysis of the Elements of Iran’s Geopolitical Interests in the Republics of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan via Matrix Examination Modelتحلیل زمینههای علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران در جمهوریهای آذربایجان و ترکمنستان با استفاده از مدل سنجش ماتریس1083556021FAیوسف زینالعابدین- استادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی رشتزهرا صابر- کارشناس ارشد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی رشتJournal Article20120201Introduction <br />Power vacuum was created after the collapse of the Soviet Union in some regions of the world. Azerbaijan in Caucasus and Turkmenistan in central Asia were regions that faced with power vacuum. So, divergence and convergence analysis of these countries related to Iran was converted to a geopolitical matter. But this paper investigates the impact rate of underling factors of Iran’s geopolitical interests in these republics in addition to their divergence and convergence with Iran. Also, in this paper we debate geopolitical interests of Iran in these republics using Matrix Examination Model, and then, analyze the twenty underlying factors to address this question: How much these factors can influence the relations of Iran and these republics? It is assumed that geopolitical interests of Iran in these countries are different. Research findings show that Iran’s geopolitical interests in Azerbaijan are more than Turkmenistan. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This research paper attempts to determine the influence rate of elementary factors of the geopolitical interests of Iran in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan republics. Thus, in the present paper, explaining the elements of Iran’s geopolitical interests in the two mentioned republics via Matrix Examination Model. It will be analyzed twenty elementary factors to answer this research question: How much each of the elementary factors can be influential on Iran’s geopolitical interests in the two countries of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan? <br />In this way, the quantities of each factor are collected from valid documents. At first, it analyzed, countered and compared each factor and then determined Islamic Republic of Iran’s rate of geopolitical interests at the two mentioned countries through this trine process: <br />1. Determining absolute percent of factor X in the two comparing countries through these formulas: <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />´ 100 <br /> <br /> <br />Quantities of factor X in country B <br /> <br /> <br /> ´ 100 <br /> <br /> <br />Quantities of factor X in country A <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />Quantities of factor X in Iran <br /> <br /> <br />Quantities of factor X in Iran <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />2. Counting sum of absolute percent quantities of factor X in the two comparing countries regarding Iran <br />3. Determining the rate of Iran’s geopolitical interest toward the two comparing countries through these formulas: <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />´ 100 <br /> <br /> <br />Absolute percent of factor X in Country A <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />Sum of absolute percent of factor X in Country A regarding Iran <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />´ 100 <br /> <br /> <br />Absolute percent of factor X in Country B <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />Sum of absolute percent of factor X in Country B regarding Iran <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />Statistical Population <br />Statistical populations in this article are Iran, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. Because these countries are neighboring countries and are setting in Asia that have different communions in cultural, economical, political, military and security fields. <br /> <br />Sampling <br />According to H.S. Boula’s table if statistical population were less than ten, sample size and statistical population will be equal. Then in this article 100% of statistical population (Iran, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan) are sample of research. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />This article explained four field of economical, political, social and cultural field in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan that influence Iran’s geopolitical national interests. In this way, twenty factors were extracted from these fields and the role of each factor in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan was showed. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Although the Cold War was ended soon after the fragmentation of the Soviet Union, geostrategic and geo-economic competition was intensified, especially in central Asia and Caucasus. Both Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan have a collection of geographical, historical, religious, cultural, and etc. communions with Iran that make both countries to protect their relation with Iran for two decades after their independence. But which of the two mentioned countries has more importance in Iran’s geopolitical interests is the matter of evaluating the role of each of twenty factors in each country and the comparison of their quantities. Finally, research findings indicate that Iran’s geopolitical interests in Azerbaijan are more than geopolitical interests in Turkmenistan. <br /> <br /> همزمان با فروپاشی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی و تجزیه بلوک شرق خلاء قدرت در برخی از مناطق جهان پدید آمد. آذربایجان در قفقاز و ترکمنستان در آسیای مرکزی از جمله مناطقی بودند که در نظام جدید بینالملل با خلاء قدرت روبرو شدند. بنابراین، تحلیل همگرایی و واگرایی مناطق مذکور نسبت به ایران به یک موضوع ژئوپلیتیک تبدیل گردید. پژوهش حاضر جهت تعیین میزان تأثیرگذاری مؤلفه های زمینه ساز علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران در دو جمهوری مذکور جدا از مسأله واگرایی و همگرایی آنها می پردازد. لذا ضمن تشریح علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران در جمهوریهای آذربایجان و ترکمنستان با استفاده از مدل سنجش ماتریس و تحلیل بیست مؤلفه زمینه ساز درجهت پاسخگویی به سؤال زیر پرداخته می شود: «هر یک از مؤلفههای زمینه ساز علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران چقدر می تواند در دو کشور آذربایجان و ترکمنستان تأثیرگذار باشد فرض بر این است که علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران در دو کشور آذربایجان و ترکمنستان متفاوت است. یافتههای تحقیق نیز حاکی از آن است که علایق ژئوپلیتیک ایران در آذربایجان بیشتر از ترکمنستان است.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56021_4c2791b676c0e7400a4fbb8e7d0a4de7.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622The Process of US and EU Confrontation with Terrorism
from Different Perceptions to Collaborationروند مواجهه آمریکا و اتحادیه اروپا با تروریسم از ادراکات متفاوت تا همکاریهای مشترک13616056022FAفرهاد درویشی- استادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی (رهعزیزالله حاتمزاده- دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد مطالعات اروپا، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20100908Introduction <br />A decade after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 terrorism remains among the most important subjects in the security strategy of the US and the EU. It is true that the event occurred in New York, but it entered world into a new phase and caused the revival of a broad term “The West” which had almost lost its importance in the aftermath of the cold war and collapse of the Soviet Union. Confronting with terrorism became a determinative principle in the American and European foreign policy as the consequence of New York terrorist attacks. However, this question arises whether they will share a homogeneous stand against the new threat of terrorism as they did during the cold war or they will choose different approaches towards this issue. The main question in this article is: “What are the nature and process of attitudes and approaches of the US and the European foreign policy makers towards the problem of terrorism?” <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This article, based on Analytical Descriptive Method, aims to provide an appropriate and reliable context for the Iranian foreign policy makers in dealing with the West about the problem of terrorism, employing relevantly clear and comprehensive illustrations of different approaches chosen by each of EU and the US regarding the issue. <br /> <br />Results and dissuasion <br />Findings of the article reveal a lack of common definition and perception about the new threat i.e. terrorism among the US and Europeans due to the ambiguity of its nature, a fact that created temporary problems in their mutual collaboration and convergence. Yet, based on “Defensive Realist Approach” which denotes that "common threads lead to a closer cooperation", the international relations arena witnessed a gradually increasing level of collaborations and convergence in the attitudes of the US and EU on terrorism. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />It seems that in the future more and closer cooperation in of the US and Europe Union will be in the context of fighting with terrorism. <br /> <br /> حملات 11 سپتامبر و اهمیت یافتن بیش از پیش تروریسم برای آمریکا و اتحادیه اروپا، دو طرف را وادار نمود که برخورد جدیتری با این مسأله داشته باشند. این موضوع باعث شد تا دو طرف بر تقویت همکاری در مبارزه با تروریسم تأکید کنند. از سوی دیگر، رویکرد دو طرف به تروریسم کاملاً یکسان نبود و این موضوع اختلافاتی در بین دو طرف برانگیخت. در این پژوهش سعی شده است تا با اتخاذ روش توصیفی – تحلیلی و بررسی و مقایسه استراتژی ها و سیاست های آمریکا و اتحادیه اروپا در قبال تروریسم در یک دهه گذشته، میزان همکاری و اختلاف آنها در این موضوع مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گیرد.یافته ها حاکی از آن است که در ابتدا چون ماهیت تهدید جدید (تروریسم) چندان روشن نبود، اروپا و آمریکا تعریف و درک یکسانی از این تهدید نداشتند و همکاری و اجماع آنها در زمینه مبارزه با تروریسم تا حدودی با دشواری مواجه شده بود، اما با گذشت زمان و بر مبنای اصل واقع گرایی تدافعی که وجود «تهدید مشترک» باعث تقویت همکاری خواهد شد، به تدریج موجب افزایش همکاری اروپا و آمریکا در مقابله با تروریسم و نزدیک شدن رویکردهای آنها به یکدیگر بوده است.https://journal.iag.ir/article_56022_dc4ae9f05ad7c683466cb4d5a2a8d4c7.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622Expounding Geographical and Geopolitical Factors of Relations in Geopolitical Regionsتبیین مؤلفه های جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی روابط در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی16120356023FAرضا حسین پور پویان- دانش آموخته جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20120805Introduction <br />In recent years, influence of Geographical and Geopolitical basis (factors) have been ignored in international and nations relations or has not been worthily considered. Relations in geopolitical regions are affected by 13 geographical and geopolitical factors in three facets of interregional, periphery system and world system that include: Geographical location, neighborhood factor, geopolitical cods, marginal ideological states, strategic spaces, strategic region, degree of regional security and stability, regional unions, secure/insecure spaces (crisis spaces), geographical sources of conflict/cooperation, balance/imbalance of Interregional power, geopolitical weight (national power) of states. This study tries to present geographical and geopolitical factors in the geopolitical regions, which affect international relations by using descriptive- analytic method and analysis of theories. <br />Geography has always played an important role in human affairs. It has shaped the identity, character, and history of nation-states; it has helped and hindered their social, political, and economic development, and it has played an important role in their international relations. Geopolitics is the study of the influence of geographical factors on states behavior. In other words, how do location, climate, natural resources, population, and physical terrain determine a state’s foreign policy options and its position in the hierarchy of states? <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />The most important factors that affect geopolitical relations are divided into two groups: <br />Geographical location, neighborhood factor, geopolitical cods, marginal ideological states, strategic spaces, strategic region, degree of regional security and stability, regional unions, secure/insecure spaces (crisis spaces), geographical sources of conflict/cooperation, balance/imbalance of Interregional power, geopolitical weight (national power) of states. <br />Based on studied theories and identification of geographical and geopolitical factors in the geopolitical regions it can be said that pattern of relations in the geopolitical regions and structure of spatial relationships in geopolitical regions are affected by geographical and geopolitical factors in different facets of interregional, periphery system and world system. <br /> <br /> در سالهای اخیر، اغلب، نقش بنیان های جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی در روابط بین دولتها و ملتها نادیده انگاشته شده و یا کماهمیت تصور می شود. این در حالی است که بنا به استدلال های پژوهش حاضر، روابط در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی در ابعاد منطقه ای، پیرامونی و جهانی حداقل از سیزده متغیر و عامل محیطی، جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی شامل: موقعیت جغرافیایی، عامل همسایگی، تعداد همسایگان، کدهای ژئوپلیتیکی، حکومت های ایدئولوژیکی، بار استراتژیک مکان ها و فضاها، بار استراتژیک منطقه، درجه ثبات و امنیت منطقه ای، اتحادیه-های منطقه ای (درجه استحکام و پیوندهای درونی)، فضاهای امن/ناامن (بحرانی)، منابع جغرافیایی منازعات/همکاری ها (پتانسیل های جغرافیایی همگرایی و واگرایی)، سطوح متوازن/نامتوازن قدرت درون منطقه ای، وزن ژئوپلیتیکی (سطح قدرت ملی) کشورها، تأثیرپذیر است.مقاله حاضر با استفاده از روش توصیفی- تحلیلی درصدد است تا از جنبه نظری، مؤلفه های جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیکی روابط در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی، براساس علل و زمینههای مناسبات و روابط دولتها و ملتها در نظریه-های بررسی شده را ارائه نماید.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56023_19c89773320dd0bf885826e35dfcb280.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622The Impact of Unitary Political System on Spatial Distribution and Development of Iran’s Citiesتأثیر نظام سیاسی تک ساخت بر آرایش فضایی ـ مکانی و توسعه شهرهای ایران20422956024FAهادی ویسی- استادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه پیام نورخدیجه مهماندوست- کارشناس ارشد جغرافیای طبیعی، دانشگاه خوارزمیJournal Article20130217Introduction <br />Geography as a place and space science studies spatial distribution of phenomena and their relations in the earth surface. One of the important phenomena of human made is cities that their spatial distribution depends to variety factors. In past, environmental factors had more important role in cities locating than others, but now political variables are very important. In national scale, one of the important political factors is political system that is divided into unitary, federal and regional systems. <br />Iran’s political system is completely centralized unitary system that has been started from Reza Shah’s era. In this period, central cities of Iran have developed lager than their border cities. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This research tries to discover the effects of unitary political system as independent variable on spatial distribution and deals with development of Iran’s cities especially metropolises as a dependent variable. Therefore, the research questions are: how is spatial distribution of Iran’s cities? What are effective factors in spatial distribution of Iran’s cities? Why there is not any metropolis in boundary regions of Iran? Research method is historical and descriptive method and logic analysis. In addition, Arc GIS is used to address the research questions. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />A huge part of historical period of Iran coincide with decentralized political system and spatial distribution of power on the basis of semi-federal system of kingdom in ancient Iran and tribal system in median decades. This mechanism caused balanced development of country regions based on ecologic potentials. There was Iran’s urban network without a central metropolis. The cities just related with capital for political problems. In third decade of 20th century, Iran’s Political system changed to centralized unitary system. Reza Shah’s centralism politics caused core-periphery model. This model connected all national, regional and local affairs of country to Tehran. Capital was political, economical, commercial, industrial, cultural, educational center of country and through of Iran attracted a lot of immigrants. Tehran and its suburb have 18.9 percent of population and 25.4 percent of urban population of Iran. The rest of Iran’s territory except border regions has metropolis but it is not comparable with Tehran. Boundary regions and its cities cannot develop like central region although they have suitable environmental potentials. These regions have different ethnic, language and religious minorities. Moreover, under-developed neighboring countries and existence of NATO forces especially US forces in Iran’s neighbors caused militarization of boundary regions. These factors cause absent investment in infrastructural affairs in this region. So, boundary regions are under-developed. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The results show that the unitary and centralized political system caused uneven and injustice spatial distribution of Iran’s cities and regions. It is the most important factor creating polarized system and its consequence is core-periphery model in spatial structure of Iran's cities. So, the capital is core and boundary cities are periphery. The core is powerful, attractive and model to others and the periphery is inactive, passive, margin and located in the end of transportation lines. The rest of Iran’s territory (semi-periphery) is located between them. Semi-periphery is passive than core, but is powerful than periphery. The development indexes reduce when we are moving from core to periphery and vice versa. <br /> <br /> از دیرباز شهرها، مهمترین سکونتگاه های انسانی بوده اند. در گذشته نقش عوامل محیطی در مکان گزینی شهرها پررنگ تر بوده است؛ اما امروزه ضمن حفظ جایگاه عوامل طبیعی، متغیرهای سیاسی نقش بارزی در این زمینه ایفا می کنند. مسئله پژوهش حاضر این است که نحوه آمایش فضایی شهرهای ایران چگونه است و آرایش مکانی ـ فضایی شهرهای ایران متأثر از چه عواملی است؟ چرا هیچ کلان شهر مهمی در مناطق مرزی ایران شکل نگرفته است؟ این پژوهش به شیوه رویکرد تاریخی، توصیفی و تحلیل منطقی بهدنبال پاسخگویی به سؤالهای فوق است. نتایج تحقیق نشان میدهد که نظام سیاسی تمرکزگرای تکساخت ایران مهمترین عامل در شکلگیری نظام قطبی شده شهری ایران و پیامد آن الگوی مرکز ـ پیرامون در ساختار فضایی شهرهای ایران است. بهگونهای که پایتخت، بخش هسته و شهرهای مرزی و حاشیهای، جزء بخش پیرامون است. بخش هسته تمرکزگرا، قدرتمند و الگوساز و بخش پیرامون منفعل و مرعوب و در حاشیه است. با حرکت از بخش هسته به سمت پیرامون از شاخصهای توسعه کم شده و بر شاخصهای عقب ماندگی اضافه میشود.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56024_afcb1c00657342d71783f18938fa6ea3.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433193020130622Formation of the Silk Road in the light of security
Case study: The Relics and Archaeological Finds Periphery of Road, from Semnan to Garmsar, Central North of Iranشکلگیری راه ابریشم در پرتو امنیت23025556026FAکمالالدین نیکنامی- استاد باستان شناسی، دانشگاه تهرانمصطفی دهپهلوان- دانشآموخته باستان شناسی، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20110604Introduction <br />The Silk Road was the most important communicational-historical highway between ancient civilizations and was a main factor in their interacting. Although Silk is a new name for this route, it is very ancient. In the middle Parthian period (Mehrdad ІІ) trade formally and organizationally had been done through this road. When trade had been started with abroad and had linked east and west areas, this route had high importance role and it was the main economic source of the Parthian and even others. Undoubtedly, governors and businessmen had founded procedures and precise plans to dominate this road. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />In order to reconstruct the security systems, authors studied historical documents and surveyed relics and archaeological findings of the periphery of old route, from Semnanan to Garmsar city. Theoretical indices of security and the several procedures have provided that were required to trade and transition. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />The land of Iran was the best and easiest communicational route between east and west. This route was in the north of Iran, that was limited from Shahrood city to Caspian Gate (Ivanaki), and from north as a narrow natural corridor and passageway to the Alborz mountains and from south to the Kavir desert. Although our research focused on this part of the road, we can reconstruct commerce. Nevertheless, the security systems were a part of them. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Research findings show that in order to construct an international road natural conditions and facilities should be provided to supply environmental and financial security. <br /> <br /> راه ابریشم مهمترین شاهراه ارتباطی- تاریخی میان تمدنهای کهن بوده که در برهمکنشهای تمدنها و فرهنگهای گوناگون نقش بهسزائی داشته است. بی شک دولتمردان و بازرگانان بهمنظور تسلط بر این جاده، شیوههای مبادلاتی و برنامهریزیهای دقیقی را پایهریزی کردهاند. در طول مسیر این جاده در ایران، از شهرستان شاهرود تا دروازههای کاسپی (ایوانکی) مانند گذرگاه طبیعی باریکی عمل میکرده است که از شمال به کوههای البرز و از جنوب به دشت کویر محدود میشود. با مطالعه متون تاریخی و بررسی باستان شناختی در طول این جاده در منطقه میان گرمسار تا سمنان و تفسیر آنها در چهارچوب نظری امنیت، به تبیین و تحلیل نقش و اهمیت استراتژیک امنیت در شکلگیری جادهها و بویژه جاده ابریشم پرداخته شده است. نتایج نشان میدهد که در گذشته برای شکلگیری یک راه ارتباطی بینالمللی باید بسترهای طبیعی و امکانات لازم برای تأمین امنیت زیست محیطی، جانی و مالی و تجاری (مبادلات) فراهم میشده است.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_56026_1090a3a928e69d7d84c10c94275452c2.pdf