انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Britain’s Geopolitical Consideration in the Middle East during the Six-day Arab Israel War of 1967: A ReassessmentBritain’s Geopolitical Consideration in The Middle East during the Six-day Arab Israel War of 1967: A Reassessment1027134604FAMuhamad Hasrul ZakariahSchool of Humanities Universiti Sains Malaysia11800 Pulau Pinang, Malaysia.https://orcid.org/00Journal Article20210317This study is reassessing the geopolitical consideration of the British government in the Sixth Days of the Arab-Israeli War,1967. Based on declassified documents from the British’s archive, this paper will analyze the geopolitical factor which shaped London’s reaction towards the conflict. Middle East geopolitical position was very strategic to the British interests in the region. Hence, the focus of this paper is to re-examine the consequence of the war toward Britain’s attitude in preserving her strategic military position and economic calculation in the Middle East between 1960s to early 1970s. These including the paramountcy of the British military bases in the region, arm trade commercial activities and a disruption of the oil flow from the region to the West. From historical perspective and analysis, this paper argued that the threats from the Soviet and Arab nationalist movements during the conflict had significantly influenced the British government’s reaction towards the war. Although London did not involve directly in the conflict like in the 1956’s Suez Crisis, yet British’s response was still crucial since Britain was the prime architect in drafting and tabling the United Nation Resolution 242 after the war. Indeed, this research inclines to believe that the British equilibrium attitude as proclaimed during the conflict was not purely based on a principle of a just and lasting peace but it was very much relying upon geopolitical consideration of safeguarding British major strategic interests in the region.This study is reassessing the geopolitical consideration of the British government in the Sixth Days of the Arab-Israeli War,1967. Based on declassified documents from the British’s archive, this paper will analyze the geopolitical factor which shaped London’s reaction towards the conflict. Middle East geopolitical position was very strategic to the British interests in the region. Hence, the focus of this paper is to re-examine the consequence of the war toward Britain’s attitude in preserving her strategic military position and economic calculation in the Middle East between 1960s to early 1970s. These including the paramountcy of the British military bases in the region, arm trade commercial activities and a disruption of the oil flow from the region to the West. From historical perspective and analysis, this paper argued that the threats from the Soviet and Arab nationalist movements during the conflict had significantly influenced the British government’s reaction towards the war. Although London did not involve directly in the conflict like in the 1956’s Suez Crisis, yet British’s response was still crucial since Britain was the prime architect in drafting and tabling the United Nation Resolution 242 after the war. Indeed, this research inclines to believe that the British equilibrium attitude as proclaimed during the conflict was not purely based on a principle of a just and lasting peace but it was very much relying upon geopolitical consideration of safeguarding British major strategic interests in the region.<br /> <br />.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Delineation of an Optimal Security Perspective for the Caspian RegionDelineation of an Optimal Security Perspective for the Caspian Region2852129482FAMohammad Bagher GhalibafAssociate Professor of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranMajid GholamiPhD, Political Geography, Department of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0003-4027-712XJournal Article20200930The security-based futurology of political units is a type of futurology focusing on geographic areas to assess their security status in the future. The Caspian region as one of the regions facing various factors has gained geopolitical significance, has a wide range of probable futures. The operational objective of this study is to identify the criteria affecting the security of this region and its final objective is to delineate an optimal security-based future for the region through a future study approach. It is a qualitative case study being formulated based on some qualitative and quantitative models and the relevant literature is used as the basis for classifying security standards into six groups of military, economic, spatial, sociocultural, political and environmental. the results were used to present 18 criteria of this region security. Then, 26 questionnaires were distributed among a group of faculty members of geopolitics from the universities of Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. The collected data were analyzed using the combined mean TOPSIS method and key criteria of the Caspian region security were extracted. The findings indicated that the three key criteria of joint military and weapons investment, commercial relations and human development as the most critical geopolitical criteria of security in this region formed eight security scenarios and finally the scenario based on ‘regional joint military and weapons investment, free trade, and the homogeneous human development’ with higher scores were introduced as the criterion for the delineation of security perspective for the leaders of countries in this region. The security-based futurology of political units is a type of futurology focusing on geographic areas to assess their security status in the future. The Caspian region as one of the regions facing various factors has gained geopolitical significance, has a wide range of probable futures. The operational objective of this study is to identify the criteria affecting the security of this region and its final objective is to delineate an optimal security-based future for the region through a future study approach. It is a qualitative case study being formulated based on some qualitative and quantitative models and the relevant literature is used as the basis for classifying security standards into six groups of military, economic, spatial, sociocultural, political and environmental. the results were used to present 18 criteria of this region security. Then, 26 questionnaires were distributed among a group of faculty members of geopolitics from the universities of Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. The collected data were analyzed using the combined mean TOPSIS method and key criteria of the Caspian region security were extracted. The findings indicated that the three key criteria of joint military and weapons investment, commercial relations and human development as the most critical geopolitical criteria of security in this region formed eight security scenarios and finally the scenario based on ‘regional joint military and weapons investment, free trade, and the homogeneous human development’ with higher scores were introduced as the criterion for the delineation of security perspective for the leaders of countries in this region.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Geopolitics and the Roots of Islamic Fundamentalism (Case Study: Fundamentalist Groups in the Horn of Africa)Geopolitics and the Roots of Islamic Fundamentalism (Case Study: Fundamentalist Groups in the Horn of Africa)5374129480FAMeysam Mirzaei TabarAssistant Professor of Political Geography, Geopolitical Studies Group, African Studies Center, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-7707-0144Journal Article20200906Islamic fundamentalism is a thought school in the Islamic World which is manifested in the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups and different violent actions. The Horn of Africa is a region for Islamic fundamentalist movements. From past to present, the most active fundamentalist Islamic groups in the region are AIAI, ICU and Al-Shabab group. The most important issue in this relation is the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics. This research is theoretical from viewpoint of the nature and method and also is descriptive-analytic in terms of its approach. The research data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The research analyzed the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics with the investigation of Islamic fundamentalist groups in the Horn of Africa. The research main question is that what is the relation between geopolitics and the formation of Islamic fundamentalism in the Horn of Africa? The research findings showed that Islamic fundamentalism is in geopolitical thought and the leaders of Islamic fundamentalist groups not only follow geopolitical thought in their goals and utopias, but also the causes and roots of the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups have geopolitical burden, and six geopolitical roots can be characterized for the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups.Islamic fundamentalism is a thought school in the Islamic World which is manifested in the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups and different violent actions. The Horn of Africa is a region for Islamic fundamentalist movements. From past to present, the most active fundamentalist Islamic groups in the region are AIAI, ICU and Al-Shabab group. The most important issue in this relation is the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics. This research is theoretical from viewpoint of the nature and method and also is descriptive-analytic in terms of its approach. The research data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The research analyzed the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics with the investigation of Islamic fundamentalist groups in the Horn of Africa. The research main question is that what is the relation between geopolitics and the formation of Islamic fundamentalism in the Horn of Africa? The research findings showed that Islamic fundamentalism is in geopolitical thought and the leaders of Islamic fundamentalist groups not only follow geopolitical thought in their goals and utopias, but also the causes and roots of the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups have geopolitical burden, and six geopolitical roots can be characterized for the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Modelling and Strategic Analysis of Yemen Conflict Based on the Graph ModelModelling and Strategic Analysis of Yemen Conflict Based on the Graph Model75100134619FAMojgan GhorbaniPh.D Student of International Relation, Tarbiat Modares University,Tehran,IranJournal Article20191210Yemen crisis is a political and security one, in which besides domestic actors, regional and transregional actors also play some various roles in this process, based on their own national strategies and interests. Therefore, recognizing effective actors in the conflict, their actions and preferences is the most important factor to determining and finding some ways to settle the conflict. The question is, what will be the future of the Yemeni crisis? Graph model analysis indicated that Saudi Arabia and Ansar Allah will accept ceasefire and negotiate, while the war may also be continued, but it will not be the most likely effect and if UN Security Council has a more active role in establishing a ceasefire and creating a peaceful state, the actors for this conflict can reach a political and peaceful solution to settle the conflict.So, the purpose of this article is to show by descriptive-analytical method that by modeling conflicts and using graph model, constructive solutions can be discovered for them and the state of equilibrium in crisis can be suggested to its actors.Yemen crisis is a political and security one, in which besides domestic actors, regional and transregional actors also play some various roles in this process, based on their own national strategies and interests. Therefore, recognizing effective actors in the conflict, their actions and preferences is the most important factor to determining and finding some ways to settle the conflict. The question is, what will be the future of the Yemeni crisis? Graph model analysis indicated that Saudi Arabia and Ansar Allah will accept ceasefire and negotiate, while the war may also be continued, but it will not be the most likely effect and if UN Security Council has a more active role in establishing a ceasefire and creating a peaceful state, the actors for this conflict can reach a political and peaceful solution to settle the conflict.So, the purpose of this article is to show by descriptive-analytical method that by modeling conflicts and using graph model, constructive solutions can be discovered for them and the state of equilibrium in crisis can be suggested to its actors.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Monarchy Interactions in the International Political System: A Case Study of Royal Interactions between Kelantan and Thailand, 1979-2010Monarchy Interactions in the International Political System: A Case Study of Royal Interactions between Kelantan and Thailand, 1979-2010101129134620FAAsmady IdrisInternational Relations Programme, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities,
Universiti Malaysia Sabah (UMS), Malaysia0000-0003-4466-4821Marja Azlima Omar- International Relations Programme, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Malaysia Sabah (UMS), MalaysiaRizal Zamani Idris- International Relations Programme, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Malaysia Sabah (UMS), MalaysiaJournal Article20210317This article examines the role of the monarchy institution by focussing on the Kelantan monarchy institution, especially during the reign of the Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Tuanku Ismail Petra (1979-2010), which had shown noteworthy contributions in strengthening bilateral relation between two monarch families of Kelantan and Thailand. The study endeavours to analyse why the relations of these two monarch families are intimate, and how they are able to sustain their mutual interactions which benefits both royal institutions? In answering these two important questions, the study divides the scope of discussion into three main points. Firstly, it attempts to locate the position of the monarch institution in the international political system vis-à-vis the prevailing modern state system of government nowadays. Secondly, it explores the early interactions of the Kelantan and Thailand monarchs which sets the bedrock of the present relations. Thirdly, it assesses the role of Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Sultan Ismail Petra as the main focus of the study, to sustain the relations with the Thai royals, and concurrently has benefitted both in developing the Royal Kelantan socio-development projects, and dealing with the crisis in the southern part of Thailand. The methods of this study comprised of interviews with the Kelantan monarch and its officials before and during the 2007 Royal Commemoration of Universiti Malaysia Sabah and content research of written documents from archives and library research. This article examines the role of the monarchy institution by focussing on the Kelantan monarchy institution, especially during the reign of the Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Tuanku Ismail Petra (1979-2010), which had shown noteworthy contributions in strengthening bilateral relation between two monarch families of Kelantan and Thailand. The study endeavours to analyse why the relations of these two monarch families are intimate, and how they are able to sustain their mutual interactions which benefits both royal institutions? In answering these two important questions, the study divides the scope of discussion into three main points. Firstly, it attempts to locate the position of the monarch institution in the international political system vis-à-vis the prevailing modern state system of government nowadays. Secondly, it explores the early interactions of the Kelantan and Thailand monarchs which sets the bedrock of the present relations. Thirdly, it assesses the role of Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Sultan Ismail Petra as the main focus of the study, to sustain the relations with the Thai royals, and concurrently has benefitted both in developing the Royal Kelantan socio-development projects, and dealing with the crisis in the southern part of Thailand. The methods of this study comprised of interviews with the Kelantan monarch and its officials before and during the 2007 Royal Commemoration of Universiti Malaysia Sabah and content research of written documents from archives and library research. انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Political Time in the Iranian Bio-power: Re-approaching the Tanzimat in the QajarPolitical Time in the Iranian Bio-power: Re-approaching the Tanzimat in the Qajar130155120405FAReza NajafzadehAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations Faculty of Economics and Political Science Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200203Policy developments over time and the dialectic of time and power in modern Iran have a long fluctuating history. There has not been much research on the foundations of political time in Iran. The birth of a new government in Iran within the Tanzimat system coincides with the birth of a new subjectivity that has been determined in the game with the institutions. Contemporary Iranian timescapes is actually the result of tension between the Antiqui and the Moderni, the Old and the New, on the eve of the transition from medieval Iran to Iranian modernity. This temporal-spatial transition is the sphere of dialectical link between Iranian designers of Tajaddod (modernity) and the conservative body of the royal court. This article tries to apply the theoretical tools of comparative historical analysis to state that “time matters” and “time could not be neglected” in Iranian government studies. Genealogical philosophy of time would be the main approach of research. It is well recognized how useful the Foucauldian genealogy and discourse analysis could be for historical sociology and institutionalism. The creative hermeneutic toolbox will also be used in this hybrid approach. Then combined theoretical concepts from the theoreticians of `timescape`, `political time`, `short-term society`, and socio-historical concepts such as `rhizome`, `territorialization` and `bio-politics` would be used in a hermeneutical way. The main contribution is the application of timescape theory and its integration with genealogy and creative hermeneutics on Iran.Policy developments over time and the dialectic of time and power in modern Iran have a long fluctuating history. There has not been much research on the foundations of political time in Iran. The birth of a new government in Iran within the Tanzimat system coincides with the birth of a new subjectivity that has been determined in the game with the institutions. Contemporary Iranian timescapes is actually the result of tension between the Antiqui and the Moderni, the Old and the New, on the eve of the transition from medieval Iran to Iranian modernity. This temporal-spatial transition is the sphere of dialectical link between Iranian designers of Tajaddod (modernity) and the conservative body of the royal court. This article tries to apply the theoretical tools of comparative historical analysis to state that “time matters” and “time could not be neglected” in Iranian government studies. Genealogical philosophy of time would be the main approach of research. It is well recognized how useful the Foucauldian genealogy and discourse analysis could be for historical sociology and institutionalism. The creative hermeneutic toolbox will also be used in this hybrid approach. Then combined theoretical concepts from the theoreticians of `timescape`, `political time`, `short-term society`, and socio-historical concepts such as `rhizome`, `territorialization` and `bio-politics` would be used in a hermeneutical way. The main contribution is the application of timescape theory and its integration with genealogy and creative hermeneutics on Iran.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222Re-Focusing on Iran-Russia Cooperation in the Syrian Crisis; A ‘broader’ Strategic Stability on AgendaRe-Focusing on Iran-Russia Cooperation in the Syrian Crisis; A ‘broader’ Strategic Stability on Agenda156185125695FAAli Reza NooriAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-6175-3442Heidarali MasoudiAssistant professor at the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran0000-0003-3383-7926Journal Article20201130The main purpose of this article is to examine how and to what extent Iran-Russia cooperation is effective in ensuring ‘broader’ strategic stability through balancing in the Middle East. Strategic stability and balance of power are interrelated components of the region’s order which have changed following the Arab Spring and the Syrian crisis. The article analyzes Iran and Russia’s impact on these two concepts, with a systemic approach, paying attention to interrelationship of variables at regional and international levels. Although strategic stability has been generally considered an issue at international level of great powers politics, this paper, emphasizing on evolution of international relations, believes in a new, complex and multilayered definition of strategic stability - a ‘broader’ one in the Middle East, which is not necessarily ensured by agreements or balance among great powers. The results indicate that Iran-Russia cooperative balancing in the Syrian crisis against the US and at regional level with emphasis on a broad regional balance system has been effective in providing ‘broader’ strategic stability in the region. Although Russia's policy in this field put some limits on Iran, strategically it serves Iran’s interests.The main purpose of this article is to examine how and to what extent Iran-Russia cooperation is effective in ensuring ‘broader’ strategic stability through balancing in the Middle East. Strategic stability and balance of power are interrelated components of the region’s order which have changed following the Arab Spring and the Syrian crisis. The article analyzes Iran and Russia’s impact on these two concepts, with a systemic approach, paying attention to interrelationship of variables at regional and international levels. Although strategic stability has been generally considered an issue at international level of great powers politics, this paper, emphasizing on evolution of international relations, believes in a new, complex and multilayered definition of strategic stability - a ‘broader’ one in the Middle East, which is not necessarily ensured by agreements or balance among great powers. The results indicate that Iran-Russia cooperative balancing in the Syrian crisis against the US and at regional level with emphasis on a broad regional balance system has been effective in providing ‘broader’ strategic stability in the region. Although Russia's policy in this field put some limits on Iran, strategically it serves Iran’s interests.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Geopolitics of US-Poland Relations Under President TrumpThe Geopolitics of US-Poland Relations Under President Trump186205133409FATrivun Sharma-PhD Scholar, Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland0000-0003-1679-3538Journal Article20200901The article analyzes the contemporary factors that contributed to US-Poland relations under President Trump. Both the United States and Poland had their fair share of troubles with the EU. For Poland, issues range with compliance over the rule of law, adherence to common EU values and the refugee resettlement and migration policy. For the US, issues with the EU under the Trump presidency formed a larger part of the changing US policy towards the transatlantic alliance. The article argues that while both the United States and Poland find common interests in defense, energy security and their estranged relationship with Germany, Poland’s economic engagement with the EU, in particular with Germany, forces Warsaw at best to find a balance between its main economic partner the EU and its security ally the United States. For the US, its relationship with Poland under the Trump presidency, falls in line with its policy of prioritizing bi-lateral relationships in the EU, thereby undermining the EU-NATO multilateral dynamics.The article analyzes the contemporary factors that contributed to US-Poland relations under President Trump. Both the United States and Poland had their fair share of troubles with the EU. For Poland, issues range with compliance over the rule of law, adherence to common EU values and the refugee resettlement and migration policy. For the US, issues with the EU under the Trump presidency formed a larger part of the changing US policy towards the transatlantic alliance. The article argues that while both the United States and Poland find common interests in defense, energy security and their estranged relationship with Germany, Poland’s economic engagement with the EU, in particular with Germany, forces Warsaw at best to find a balance between its main economic partner the EU and its security ally the United States. For the US, its relationship with Poland under the Trump presidency, falls in line with its policy of prioritizing bi-lateral relationships in the EU, thereby undermining the EU-NATO multilateral dynamics.<br />.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Effects of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on Regional GeopoliticsThe Effects of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on Regional Geopolitics206230129600FAIqtidar HussainShanghai International Studies University (SISU), Shanghai, ChinaIsrar HussainShanghai International Studies University (SISU), Shanghai, ChinaGuo KeProfessor ,Shanghai International Studies University (SISU), Shanghai, ChinaMuhammadi MuhammadiSchool of International Relations and Public Affairs, Shanghai International Studies University,ChinaJournal Article20200319The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) brings a multidimensional shift in regional geopolitics. The objective of this study examines the changing dynamics in regional geopolitics regarding the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) by analyzing the theoretical spectrum of the geopolitical theories of Heartland and Rimland. This paper hypothesized the economic gravity of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor could potential to develop a favorable geopolitical environment across the region. In sum, the outcomes of this research, the CPEC could transform the regional geopolitics from conventional to critical as converting the current hostile geopolitical environment into favorable geopolitics regarding its geo-economic potential. Resultantly, CPEC will convert the economic vulnerable, and war turn zone into economic well-being, peace and stable region.The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) brings a multidimensional shift in regional geopolitics. The objective of this study examines the changing dynamics in regional geopolitics regarding the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) by analyzing the theoretical spectrum of the geopolitical theories of Heartland and Rimland. This paper hypothesized the economic gravity of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor could potential to develop a favorable geopolitical environment across the region. In sum, the outcomes of this research, the CPEC could transform the regional geopolitics from conventional to critical as converting the current hostile geopolitical environment into favorable geopolitics regarding its geo-economic potential. Resultantly, CPEC will convert the economic vulnerable, and war turn zone into economic well-being, peace and stable region.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Impact of Identity Crisis in Iraq (post-Saddam) on the Islamic Republic of Iran Foreign Policy OrientationThe Impact of Identity Crisis in Iraq (post-Saddam) on the Islamic Republic of Iran Foreign Policy Orientation231262115130FAMoslem HaghiPhD student in International Relations, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Tabriz Branch, Islamic Azad University Tabriz, Iran0000-0002-8503-1062Mohammad Yousefi JouybariAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Tabriz Branch, Islamic Azad University Tabriz, IranEhsan Shakeri KhoeeAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Tabriz Branch, Islamic Azad University Tabriz, Iran.Journal Article20200307< Iraq is a prominent identity crisis example. Ethnic and religious multiplicity have caused political and social conflicting divisions. Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis are the main group players. Kurdish and Arab are ethnic, Shiite and Sunni are religious groups. Islamic Revolution made fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign policy orientation. In Iraq simultaneously, Saddam took power. Different ethnicities and identities had no expressing opportunity. US invasion and Ba''athist overthrow brought Iraq into a new and unstable phase, and various groups and ethnicities expressed their conflicting political and social identity goals and demands. Regional countries particularly Iran have expanded their influence in Iraq by changing the foreign policy orientation, to prevent others from increasing their effect. This study is to analyze and investigate identity crisis impact in Iraq on Iran’s foreign policy orientation emphasizing post-Saddam era (2003-2020) applying Constructivism Theory. The descriptive-analytical method and library resources used in collecting data and information.Iraq is a prominent identity crisis example. Ethnic and religious multiplicity have caused political and social conflicting divisions. Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis are the main group players. Kurdish and Arab are ethnic, Shiite and Sunni are religious groups. Islamic Revolution made fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign policy orientation. In Iraq simultaneously, Saddam took power. Different ethnicities and identities had no expressing opportunity. US invasion and Ba''athist overthrow brought Iraq into a new and unstable phase, and various groups and ethnicities expressed their conflicting political and social identity goals and demands. Regional countries particularly Iran have expanded their influence in Iraq by changing the foreign policy orientation, to prevent others from increasing their effect. This study is to analyze and investigate identity crisis impact in Iraq on Iran’s foreign policy orientation emphasizing post-Saddam era (2003-2020) applying Constructivism Theory. The descriptive-analytical method and library resources used in collecting data and information.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Role of Haushofer's Theory in Nazi Germany (Its Impact on Iran's National Security)The Role of Haushofer's Theory in Nazi Germany (Its Impact on Iran's National Security)263288113027FAReza DolatiPhD Student in Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0001-7626-0763Qiuomars Yazdanpanah DeroAssociate Professor, Department of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-7224-208XAli Reza MehrabiAssociate Professor of Political Geography , Faculty of Earth Sciences, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200418The Middle East and North Africa have always been of great interest to global thought and power due to their strategic location and huge fuel resources. One instance was Nazi Germany, which had specific geographical considerations for the region. This study seeks to answer the question: "How did the change in the role of German geopolitics from Haushofer's Ideas to Hitler's affect the fate of Iran during Reza Shah's reign?"; We will explain what happened, and why it happened. This research is descriptive-analysis in terms of its nature and method. In this article, an attempt was made to use graphical models to better understand concepts. The results indicate that Nazi Germany's ideas for conquering the world under Adolf Hitler and Rudolf Hess were very different from those of Haushofer. In World War II, Haushofer’s theory was replaced by Hitler's viewpoints. This change had a direct impact on Iran's strategy; Reza Shah adopted a neutral strategy during this period, which eventually led to defeat and military occupation of Iran. Thus, when Nazi Germany's strategy shifted from Haushofer’s to Hitler’s, Reza Shah should have changed his approach too. <br /><br />The Middle East and North Africa have always been of great interest to global thought and power due to their strategic location and huge fuel resources. One instance was Nazi Germany, which had specific geographical considerations for the region. This study seeks to answer the question: "How did the change in the role of German geopolitics from Haushofer's Ideas to Hitler's affect the fate of Iran during Reza Shah's reign?"; We will explain what happened, and why it happened. This research is descriptive-analysis in terms of its nature and method. In this article, an attempt was made to use graphical models to better understand concepts. The results indicate that Nazi Germany's ideas for conquering the world under Adolf Hitler and Rudolf Hess were very different from those of Haushofer. In World War II, Haushofer’s theory was replaced by Hitler's viewpoints. This change had a direct impact on Iran's strategy; Reza Shah adopted a neutral strategy during this period, which eventually led to defeat and military occupation of Iran. Thus, when Nazi Germany's strategy shifted from Haushofer’s to Hitler’s, Reza Shah should have changed his approach too. انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Role of Indonesian and Egyptians’ NGOs in DemocratisationThe Role of Indonesian and Egyptians’ NGOs in Democratisation289306134777FAMansoureh EbrahimiAssistant Professor Academy of Islamic Civilization, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Technologi Malaysia.0000-0003-2086-524XMukhamad ShokhehAcademy of Islamic Civilization, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Lecturer at Department of History, Universitas Negeri Semarang (Semarang State University), Indonesia.Kamaruzaman YusoffAcademy of Islamic Civilization, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Technologi Malaysia.Journal Article20210317The emergence of Non Government Organizations (NGOs) in various fields of life is proof that civil society is essential in building a democratic society. NGOs can educate citizens and communities on their fundamental rights to create a democratic state and world order life. NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt have played a significant role in strengthening democratic movements by empowering civil society. This study examines NGOs’ role in democratization in Indonesia during the reign of President Suharto and Egypt under the leadership of President Hosni Mubarak. In carrying out their functions, NGOs take a stand as a balancing force for the state and agents of community empowerment. The NGOs’ elements struggle in producing an ideal democratic society order in these two countries facing their respective challenges. Some NGOs challenge building democratic society such as military domination, party hegemony systems, and robust state control over society. To encourage democratization in Indonesia and Egypt, NGOs have contributed to building democratic practices, improving democratic performance, strengthening civil rights, monitoring elections, and promoting corruption eradication. The strengthening of democracy by NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt has impacted building political openness, awareness of citizens' political rights, and pro-society public policies.The emergence of Non Government Organizations (NGOs) in various fields of life is proof that civil society is essential in building a democratic society. NGOs can educate citizens and communities on their fundamental rights to create a democratic state and world order life. NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt have played a significant role in strengthening democratic movements by empowering civil society. This study examines NGOs’ role in democratization in Indonesia during the reign of President Suharto and Egypt under the leadership of President Hosni Mubarak. In carrying out their functions, NGOs take a stand as a balancing force for the state and agents of community empowerment. The NGOs’ elements struggle in producing an ideal democratic society order in these two countries facing their respective challenges. Some NGOs challenge building democratic society such as military domination, party hegemony systems, and robust state control over society. To encourage democratization in Indonesia and Egypt, NGOs have contributed to building democratic practices, improving democratic performance, strengthening civil rights, monitoring elections, and promoting corruption eradication. The strengthening of democracy by NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt has impacted building political openness, awareness of citizens' political rights, and pro-society public policies.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Role of Science and Technology Diplomacy in Preventing Nuclear Proliferation (A Case Study: EU and Kazakhstan)The Role of Science and Technology Diplomacy in Preventing Nuclear Proliferation (A Case Study: EU and Kazakhstan)307333134778FAEbrahim TaheriAssistant Professor of Political Science at Yazd university, Yazd, IranMohammad Abedi ArdekaniAssociate Professor of Political Science, Yazd University, Yazd, IranYounes Hadadi AhangarMaster’s Degree in International Relations, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran.Journal Article20200523Science and technology diplomacy has been considered as one of the influential tools in the international arena by many countries and even trade and political unions. The European Union has also implemented various programs with Central Asian countries. The research question is what are the goals and objectives of EU science and technology diplomacy in Kazakhstan? The results show that EU scientific diplomacy is pursued in two forms: scientific diplomacy based on technology and scientific diplomacy based on the humanities in Central Asia. For example, 4 to 7-year programs have been implemented in Central Asian countries, such as Kazakhstan include biology, genomics and biotechnology for health, information technologies, nanotechnology, knowledge-based multifunctional materials and new manufacturing processes and tools, air and space, food quality and safety. The main focus of the program is on Kazakhstan. The main objectives of these programs appear to monitor the country's nuclear activities with the aim of preventing nuclear proliferation via support from the model of neoliberal economic development, increase the capacity of civil society, and support the soft power of the union. This research will use descriptive-analytical methods and second-hand data collection.Science and technology diplomacy has been considered as one of the influential tools in the international arena by many countries and even trade and political unions. The European Union has also implemented various programs with Central Asian countries. The research question is what are the goals and objectives of EU science and technology diplomacy in Kazakhstan? The results show that EU scientific diplomacy is pursued in two forms: scientific diplomacy based on technology and scientific diplomacy based on the humanities in Central Asia. For example, 4 to 7-year programs have been implemented in Central Asian countries, such as Kazakhstan include biology, genomics and biotechnology for health, information technologies, nanotechnology, knowledge-based multifunctional materials and new manufacturing processes and tools, air and space, food quality and safety. The main focus of the program is on Kazakhstan. The main objectives of these programs appear to monitor the country's nuclear activities with the aim of preventing nuclear proliferation via support from the model of neoliberal economic development, increase the capacity of civil society, and support the soft power of the union. This research will use descriptive-analytical methods and second-hand data collection.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331176420211222The Geopolitics of Sport and Diplomacy of Neighborhood Relations in the 2022 World Cup in Qatar (Case study: Iran and the Persian Gulf Arab States)The Geopolitics of Sport and Diplomacy of Neighborhood Relations in the 2022 World Cup in Qatar (Case study: Iran and the Persian Gulf Arab States)334352118169FASeyed Mohammad Taghi RaeissadatPhD in Political Geography, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-8025-9711Afshin MottaghiAssociate Professor of Political Geography, Kharazmi University, Tehran, IranSeyed Nasrollah SajjadiFull Professor of Sport Management, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranHossein RabieiAssistant Professor of Political Geography, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200813The significance of neighborhood relations in geopolitics cannot be over-emphasized. As a space for neighborhood relations, sport is one of the most effective issues in power, competition, and convergence on national and transnational scales. International competitive sports are useful for remembering people to compare themselves with the other nation’s achievements and capabilities. Meanwhile, the Persian Gulf is the most significant region in the world due to its energy resources and strategic position. Tensions between the regional states have increased, especially between Iran and some Arab states. Most of these tensions have appeared in sport and athletic competitions. Therefore, the emergence of political-geographical rivalry in sports contests can be studied as the geopolitics of sport. This descriptive-analytic paper explained the power aspects in sport and politics from the point of the geopolitics of sport in the Persian Gulf region and studied geopolitical competitions in the region and its interaction in the sporting arena. The results of the research indicate that sports contests can bring sphere of convergence and cooperation and in some cases can provide the increasing and strengthen of tension and competitionThe significance of neighborhood relations in geopolitics cannot be over-emphasized. As a space for neighborhood relations, sport is one of the most effective issues in power, competition, and convergence on national and transnational scales. International competitive sports are useful for remembering people to compare themselves with the other nation’s achievements and capabilities. Meanwhile, the Persian Gulf is the most significant region in the world due to its energy resources and strategic position. Tensions between the regional states have increased, especially between Iran and some Arab states. Most of these tensions have appeared in sport and athletic competitions. Therefore, the emergence of political-geographical rivalry in sports contests can be studied as the geopolitics of sport. This descriptive-analytic paper explained the power aspects in sport and politics from the point of the geopolitics of sport in the Persian Gulf region and studied geopolitical competitions in the region and its interaction in the sporting arena. The results of the research indicate that sports contests can bring sphere of convergence and cooperation and in some cases can provide the increasing and strengthen of tension and competition.