انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Theoretical Analysis of the Relations between Regional System
and Foreign Policyمدل و تحلیل نظری رابطه نظام منطقهای و سیاست خارجی12455805FAحسین سلیمیاستاد روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیسید جلال دهقانی فیروزآبادیاستاد روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائینجمیه پوراسمعیلیدانشجوی دکتری روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیJournal Article20170503Introduction<br />Foreign Policy is a comprehensive plan developed by states to interact with external<br />environment. The type and the nature of the interactions between foreign policy and the<br />external environment is a key issue to understand both of them. In this article, it is argued<br />that regional system is one of the most important features of the external environment, which<br />doesn’t have one-dimensional relations with foreign policy; it means, on one hand, foreign<br />policy impacts on the nature and quality of interactions within the regional system, on the<br />other hand, the regional system and its components act as an independent variable in defining<br />and drawing the goals and priorities of foreign policy. In other words, Foreign policy and<br />regional system define each other, mutually. <br />Methodology<br />This article, utilizing Institutional as well as explanatory methods, seeks to demonstrate that<br />how the foreign policy of the main actors of a region as an institution, define another<br />institution called regional system, and the constructed regional system how impacts on the<br />defining, planning and execution of foreign policies of the main actors. <br />Findings<br />Finding of the article would be discusses under these umbrella topics:<br />- Defining Regional system and its components;<br />- The type of the relations between regional systems and macro structure of the<br />International System;<br />The relations between Regional system and Foreign Policy.<br /><br />Conclusion<br />Due to the relative independence of the regional system, after the dissolution on the USSR<br />and the end of the cold war, from the macro structure of International system, it is possible<br />to examine its relations with other issues such as Foreign policy. In the current article, it is<br />demonstrated that after the Cold War, because of the lack of capabilities, most of the states<br />are trying to define their foreign policies according to their corresponding regional system.<br />This situation has enabled the main actors of each regional system to play a crucial role in<br />defining the regional system. On the other hand, it is argued that after construction, the<br />regional systems are not fully obedient of the main actors and act as an independent factor<br />imposing some requirements to the states’ foreign policies.سیاست خارجی برنامهای جامع است که توسط دولتها برای تعامل با محیط بیرونی طراحی و دنبال میشود. نوع و ماهیت تعاملی که میان سیاست خارجی و محیط بیرونی وجود دارد، یکی از روشهای مهم فهم هردو حوزه سیاست خارجی و محیط بیرونی است. در این پژوهش استدلال میگردد که نظام منطقهای یکی از مهمترین ابعاد محیط بیرونی است که رابطه سیاست خارجی با آن یکسویه نمیباشد؛ بدین معنی که از یک طرف سیاست خارجی به ماهیت و کیفیت تعاملات در نظام منطقهای شکل میدهد و از طرف دیگر نظام منطقهای و مؤلفههای شکلدهنده به آن نیز در تعریف و تدوین اهداف و اولویتهای سیاست خارجی بهمثابه یک متغیر مستقل عمل میکند. فهم چگونگی انجام این فرایند متقابل، هدف این نوشتار است.<br /> <br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Developing a Global Index for Maritime Location of
Countriesشاخصسازی موقعیت دریایی کشورها255455806FAرضا الهویردی زادهاستادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه مراغهمحمدرضا حافظنیااستاد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسمهدی پورطاهریدانشیار جغرافیا، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20150819Intrduction<br />Changing nature of the relationship between human and geographical environment has had<br />considerable influence on geographical science school of thought. In terms of "ecological<br />analysis", this relationship is one of the important research fields in geographical sciences.<br />Geographic location is one of the key elements in the environment, which is divided into a<br />number of subgroups. In all traditional and modern theories of geography, geographical<br />location is one of the most important variables in power formulation and political behavior<br />of countries. Maritime location and access to free waters an element of geographical location,<br />and it is a significant variable in global theories of geopolitics and maritime studies. This<br />dimension of the location of countries has been descriptively studies, and it is essential to<br />determine the geographic location of the countries using qualitative and quantitative<br />indicators. The present study conducted to rank the maritime location of various countries. <br />Methodology<br />This research is Fundamental in terms of its objective and descriptive-analytic in terms of<br />nature and method, and follows the quantitative research method. The statistics from<br />specialized agencies used to collect the indicator statistics of maritime location of countries<br />in order to consider comprehensiveness, reliability and validity of data from these<br />institutions. Library resources, papers, documents and official portals used to gather the<br />statistics related to the maritime location of the countries. Six indicators were selected for<br />survey from among the indicators related to maritime location of countries. Data analysis was<br />performed using quantitative methods and TOPSIS technique. In this study, maritime<br />location of nations was ranked by TOPSIS algorithm using natural and human indicators with<br />a multivariate and multidimensional approach to maritime location. The indicators were as<br />follows: (1) the ratio of maritime border length to border length of the country; (2) the ratio<br />of country surface area to maritime border length; (3) number of surrounding seas; (4)<br />number of sea ports; (5) The ratio of area of maritime zones (territorial sea, contiguous zone,<br />exclusive economic zone, and continental shelf) to the area of country; (6) ratio of coastal<br />population to total population of the country. <br />Result and Discussion<br />The research findings indicate that offshore countries with different levels of size, shape,<br />population, etc. placed in this ranking. By using the comparable indicators for countries (by<br />considering the ratio), small insular states were at the top of maritime location, but they were<br />not capable of taking advantage of their maritime location due to the absence of other<br />variables, including vaster territorial extent, qualified manpower (qualitative and<br />quantitative), limited political relations, etc. In contrast, countries with a long maritime<br />border, extended territory, proper coastal kerfs and skilled manpower are able to make good<br />use of their offshore location. <br />Conclusion<br />Maritime location of countries affects in political behavior and status of countries, and its<br />function depends on other elements of national power. Access to open waters enables<br />maritime contact and relationship between countries for trade, exchange of goods and even<br />ideas. In practice, it is observed that classical and modern naval powers have a sea coast<br />almost without excep.سرشت متحول رابطه انسان و محیط جغرافیایی بر اندیشه و مکتب فلسفی علوم جغرافیایی تأثیر گذاشته است. این رابطه در قالب «رویکرد اکولوژیکی»، از حوزههای مهم تحقیقاتی در علوم جغرافیا است. موقعیت جغرافیایی کشورها، از عناصر مهم در محیط جغرافیایی است که خود به زیربخشهایی تقسیم میشود. موقعیت دریایی کشورها و تماس با آبهای آزاد، از عناصر موقعیت جغرافیایی است. موقعیت دریایی عنصر جغرافیایی مهم در نظریات جهانی ژئوپلیتیک و مطالعات دریایی است. موقعیت دریایی، سطح تماس محیط داخلی کشور (خشکی) با محیط دریایی بوده و از هر دو محیط جغرافیایی تأثیر میپذیرد. این بعد از موقعیت کشورها، بهصورت توصیفی مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته است و نیاز است با شاخصهای کیفی و کمّی، موقعیت دریایی کشورها مشخص گردد. تحقیق حاضر بهمنظور شاخصسازی و رتبهبندی موقعیت دریایی کشورها انجامیافته است. پژوهش حاضر ازلحاظ هدف، بنیادی و از حیث ماهیت و روش، توصیفی- تحلیلی است. با شش نماگر موقعیت دریایی و استفاده از تکنیک تاپسیس، رتبهبندی موقعیت دریایی کشورها انجام گردید. رتبهبندی یکصد و پنجاه کشور دریایی نشان میدهد که میانگین حداقل CI در کشور جمهوری دموکراتیک کنگو (00016/0) و حداکثر آن در کشور تووالو (46197/0) در نوسان است. به کمک نرمافزار SPSS، کشورها طیفبندی شدهاند و کشورها بر اساس امتیازی که از موقعیت دریایی به دست آوردهاند در سه طیف متفاوت جای گرفتهاند. خروجی حاصل از تکنیک تاپسیس و طیفبندی کشورها بیانگر آن است که کشورهایی با سطوح متفاوتی از مساحت، شکل، جمعیت و... در این رتبهبندی جای گرفتند. موقعیت دریایی کشورها، بر اساس عوامل متفاوت و به تأسی از متغیرهای متفاوت طبیعی و انسانی بر قدرت کشورها تأثیر میگذارد.<br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923The Theoretical Explanation of the Nature of the
Geopolitical Regions in Competition of the Powersتبیین نظری تغییر ماهیت مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرتها557855807FAسید عباس احمدیاستادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تهرانمرجان بدیعی ازنداهیاستادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تهرانطهمورث حیدری موصلودانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20170110Intrduction<br />Geopolitical regions has developed from the nineteenth century onwards. at the present time<br />the old colonial approaches has lost your application but neocolonial methods to gain power<br />and competition in the geographic areas and areas has taken the other shape as with the<br />collapse of the Soviet Union, the geopolitical regions, as well as was developed many other<br />concepts the human community therefore, the approach of the competition of power in the<br />areas has taken on a particular geographical basis. in this regard, the present research seeks<br />to theoretical explanation of the process and the nature of the geopolitical regions in the<br />powers competition. <br />Methodology<br />This research seeks to explain the theoretical changes in the nature of geopolitical regions.<br />Since the main purpose of the research is to extract and identify the process and change the<br />nature of geopolitical regions in the competition between powers, from theoretical and<br />qualitative aspects to explained the issues.<br />Hence, The current research seeks to answer the question of what trends and nature of<br />geopolitical regions have been seen in the rivalry between powers? <br />Findings<br />According to previous studies are three types of view of geopolitics perception to areas: First<br />View says that the countries in the every measure taken together (ranging from a global or<br />regional) are similar to each other (generalization see). Second View, consider zones as<br />"opposite". In this view a geopolitical region with other regions, differences and is like no<br />other place (conflict). The third view, is the "comparative" approach. Based on the<br />comparative approach, geographic areas affect the behavior of countries and form the a level<br />of separate analysis and regional politics is not such as universal politics.<br />The nature of the geopolitical regions while the imperialist geopolitics in the early<br />twentieth century, had emphasized in importance of natural geography in the foreign polic <br />and global strategy during the Cold War , the geopolitics more was trying the competition<br />and conflict with the Soviet Union and America very closely the geography and also had to<br />describe in the complicated Ideology. As Mackinder introduced part of Russian territory as<br />a land-based Central or geographical a local area, But George Kennan designer America's<br />foreign policy after the war, known as the "Containment strategy" Soviet, to Russia did not<br />look at as a simple territory, but it as a "threat" knew that finding is constantly expanding. So<br />that designers competition and geopolitics experts took over around the world, "Us" or<br />"them", "free world" against the "the communist and dictator world " were raised geopolitics<br />issues of West cold war. during the cold war, world different areas the vertical look, from<br />above and from the charter of the East and West were entered geopolitical calculations, but<br />in the new era, different regions of the world from the down and from within their areas and<br />to be more precise Horizontal angle are into the international political relations and<br />competition between powers. after the cold war almost all the regional powers, positions and<br />a greater role In the their surrounding areas. <br />Conclusion<br />In the field of theorizing on regional studies, have occurred Several changes. In the first<br />period, areas in terms of geographical units In other words, were defined geo-political and<br />geographic boundaries. This topic, traditional theorizing axis about the region Then, the areas<br />were possessed of functional features on the other hand, the name of the in the ancient<br />traditions had the imposed process and from the top down was managed and defined by the<br />great powers. as the old, area of Natural Geography derived in the terms of land area, marine<br />and other , but in the current era, in addition to the old approach is also used the geography<br />human dimension. accordingly the competition To achieve areas having Has caused these<br />areas to be defined by both geographical and ideologies approach. As Mackinder theories,<br />Aspaykmn and Mahan, the natural approach and Ratzel views, Killen and Haushofer have<br />the thought approach. During the Cold War, also the powers competition for dominate on<br />areas , finds ideological nature in terms of the influence dam and Domino after the Soviet<br />collapse, some regional powers also were possess positions and new powers. in this context,<br />regional powers entered the competition In the areas and searches the significant contribution<br />for influence In the its surrounding area.از آغاز پیدایش ژئوپلیتیک، قدرت و رقابت جهت تسلط بر سرزمین و داشتههای آن مبنای اصلی این دانش قرار گرفته است. بر این اساس، ژئوپلیتیک استعماری نیز که دوره نخست تاریخ ژئوپلیتیک با آن آغاز شده است، با اندیشه استعمارگری جهت تصاحب و تسلط بر مناطق جغرافیایی همراه شده است. رقابت جهت دستیابی به مناطق و داشتههای آن تحت تأثیر دو نوع رویکرد قرار گرفته است. بنمایه رویکرد نخست بر حقایق جغرافیای طبیعی استوار است و رویکرد دوم مبتنی بر ایدئولوژیهای برتریخواهانه است. همچنان که در دوره جنگ سرد نیز رقابت قدرتها جهت سلطه بر مناطق ماهیت ایدئولوژیک پیدا میکند. قدرتهای رقیب در قالب استراتژیهایی همچون سد نفوذ، دومینو، ضد دومینو و غیره، خود را آشکار میساختند؛ سیاستهایی که زمینه کمتری از حقایق جغرافیایی در آن نمایان بود. بعد از فروپاشی شوروی عصر جدیدی آغاز شد، در این عصر قدرتهای منطقهای نیز صاحب موقعیت جدیدی شدند که مناطق و حقایق جغرافیایی اهمیت دوبارهای یافت. به این ترتیب، پژوهش کنونی در قالب روش تفسیری- تحلیلی بهدنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرتها چه ماهیتی را به خود دیده است؟ فرضیه موجود نشانگر این است که مناطق ژئوپلیتیک در رقابت بین قدرتها ابتدا ماهیت طبیعی داشت، سپس ماهیت ایدئولوژیک یافت و در دوره کنونی نیز حقایق جغرافیایی مناطق مورد تأکید قرار میگیرد.انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Explaining the Geographical Peace Foundations in the
Middle East (Case Study: Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia)تبیین بنیادهای جغرافیایی صلح در خاورمیانه (مطالعه موردی: ایران، ترکیه و عربستان)7910255808FAیدالله کریمیپوراستاد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمیحسین ربیعیاستادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمیاحمد بزلهدانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمیJournal Article20161210Introduction<br />Security and, in parallel, coexistence and peace, which are the longest themes that have<br />engulfed the mind of man, The necessity of establishing it in the modern period, and especially<br />in the twenty-first century, is more than ever felt for the sectarian empire. This theme (peace)<br />has been considered from various dimensions so far, In this connection, the present study seeks<br />to study peace and coexistence between political units in the new and the geographic area in<br />the Middle East and between the three countries of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. <br />Methodology<br />The present study examined the documentary approach and analytical descriptive method to better<br />understand the issue of geographically effective peacekeeping and eventually analyze data. <br />Findings<br />Geopolitical Effective Peace<br />1. Geographic location<br />Following the three great powers of the Middle East, Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia from a<br />maritime strategy can be a factor of political and peaceful convergence Therefore, geographic<br />time encompasses both the status of challenges and opportunities. But what matters is behavior<br />and policies that can be used to cope with the challenges and use its opportunities well.<br />2. Cultural foundations<br />Today, most neighboring countries and neighborhoods overlap in terms of human resource<br />interactions, culture and common religion.<br />3. Political organization of space<br />In the Middle East, how the political organization of space in the region and within the countries led<br />to the formation of Kurdish, Arabic and Armenian nationalism with the aim of opposing imposed<br />boundaries, which provided further areas for domestic and regional conflicts in the future.<br />4. Common Objectives<br />Apart from the specific purpose and specific interests of nations and nations that are causing<br />increasing competition and conflict between them, they share common goals such as peace,<br />sustainable development, the fight against poverty and injustice and discrimination. Which,<br />in order to achieve this goal, requires cooperation, assistance and collective effort, can<br />provide a foundation for cooperation between the studied political.<br />5. Mutual interests<br />Countries in a region face a wide range of topics and opportunities in the political, economic,<br />cultural, social, technological, environmental and other fields, including the appropriate areas and<br />sub-areas of which there are three major regional powers that share their interests. Being able to:<br />A) Growth in trade and commerce<br />B) regional unity nuclei<br />C) Regional security<br />D) Common Natural Resources <br />Ideology<br />The three powerful Muslim countries in the Middle East, in the midst of most of the neighboring<br />Middle East crises, have been struggling to address the ideology over the past decade. Meanwhile,<br />Iran and Saudi Arabia and Turkey have the greatest responsibility. These wars, slowly and without<br />victory, are wiped out after the country's forces and strength and efficiency, It will end: that is, as<br />always, the outcome of the competition here will be lost - will be lost.<br />Common Geographic Bottlenecks<br />Bottlenecks, such as waterfalls, freshwater scarcity, land and sea environmental pollution,<br />and more. provides cooperation for more countries. <br />Analysis<br />It is not possible to achieve comprehensive peace in the region, regardless of geography, so<br />it can be said that peace can have a geographical basis.<br />Geography determines the geographic location, cultural foundations, neighborhood, and<br />even ideology, so geography can form the strengths and weaknesses of the research triangle<br />(Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia) Leads to common goals and interests. From this stage<br />onwards, these are political structures that, by their proper discernment, must identify<br />common goals and interests, and move toward coexistence and convergence and ultimately<br />peace. <br />Conclusions<br />So, as far as the discussion is concerned, most of the platforms, backgrounds and indicators<br />for coexistence, cooperation, convergence and development of regional and global unions<br />and peace-making between Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey in geography are always available.<br />have been And what constitutes the leaders and political leadership of these three countries<br />toward fostering and peace-building in this region is not geography, but rather to a degree<br />influenced by their attitude towards the world, the identification of interests and goals, and<br />in particular the way Attitude towards Neighborhood.امنیت و به موازات آن همزیستی و صلح که از دیرپاترین موضوعاتی بوده که ذهن انسان را به خود مشغول کرده است، ضرورت برقراری آن در دوره مدرن و بهطور ویژه در سده بیست و یکم بیش از هر زمانی برای خاومیانه غرق آشفتگی احساس میشود. این موضوع (یعنی صلح) تاکنون از ابعاد گوناگونی مورد توجه واقع شده، در این پیوند، پژوهش حاضر تلاشی علمی است تا برقراری صلح و همزیستی بین واحدهای سیاسی را از بعد تازه و آن هم جغرافیایی درمنطقه خاورمیانه و بین سه کشور ایران، ترکیه و عربستان مورد بررسی قرار دهد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد اسنادی وروش توصیفی - تحلیلی برای درک بهتر مسئله بنیادهای جغرافیایی مؤثر بر صلح را بررسی کرده و سرانجام اقدام به تحلیل دادهها کرده است. نتایج پژوهش گویای این مطلب است که جغرافیا؛ موقعیت جغرافیایی، بنیادهای فرهنگی، همسایگی و حتی ایدئولوژی را نیز به نوعی تعیّن میدهد، جغرافیا همچنین نقاط قوت و ضعف را هم شکل داده و مثلث (ایران، ترکیه و عربستان) مورد پژوهش را به سمت اهداف و منافع مشترک هدایت میکند. از این مرحله به بعد این سازههای سیاسی هستند که با تشخیص درست خود باید اهداف و منافع مشترک را مشخص کنند و به سمت همزیستی و همگرایی و سرانجام صلح گام بردارند.<br /> <strong> </strong><br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Analysis of the Position of Science and Technology in the Realm
of Hard, Soft and Smart Powerبررسی و تحلیل جایگاه علم و فناوری در عرصه قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند10313855809FAسید جواد موسوی زارعدانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهدسید هادی زرقانیدانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهدهادی اعظمیدانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهدJournal Article20170218Introduction<br />Power is among the notions that in the focus of attention of experts in political geography<br />and Geopolitic. Accordingly, many scholars have discussed the nature, scope, deminsion and<br />function of power. According to the one of the newest classification of power, it is divided<br />into three forms of hard power, soft power and smart power. on the other hand, of years away,<br />science and Nowadays, along with its; technology are considered as one of the main sources<br />of the power. Hence, considering the fact that the Interest of global powers in the field of<br />science and technology have been added more than the past, this research seeks to analyze<br />the position of science and technology in the realm of hard and soft and smart power. <br />Methodology<br />In this research, has been used through descriptive-analytical research method.Therefore, in the<br />first stage, by studying library resources such as books, research projects and articles in Farsi and<br />Latin, the role and position of science and technology has been Surveyied ; And its advantages<br />over hard, soft and smart power dimensions have been described and analyzed. In the next step<br />and in the field research, a three-question questionnaire was developed in two Persian and English<br />languages based on Likert, and was attended by 400 domestic and foreign experts in the field of<br />political geography, and International Relations and Geostrategic; finally, comments They have<br />been investigated about the effects of science and technology on hard, soft and smart power. <br />Findings<br />The findings of this study have been derived from two parts of library resources and field research.<br />Accordingly, in accordance with library finding , science and technology have three approaches to<br />influencing various forms of power, including hard, soft and smart.<br />1. The first approach: the hard power approach; that in it used the capacity of science and technology<br />to influence the components of hard power (military and economic power) and it also is used fo<br />strengthen bargaining power with rival and hostile countries. to more precise phrase, if we<br />concentrate the most important sources of hard power in the country's economic capacity and<br />military power; science and technology, through various mechanisms, will have an impact on these<br />two areas of power.<br />2. The Second Approach: Soft Power Approach; in the sense that the benefits of science and<br />technology with the help of the diplomacy of science and technology are used for effect and<br />strengthen soft power. According to the findings of this section, science and technology, as a tool for<br />the application of soft power, have the basical potential in foreign policy and especially in diplomacy<br />of science and technology, Hence, these benefits will be thoroughly examined in this approach.<br />3. Third Approach: Smart Power Approach; in the sense that from the capacity of science and<br />technology will be used to combine and unite mechanisms of hard power and soft power under<br />the guidance of diplomacy tool in order to apply of smart power. According to this approach, The<br />center of smart diplomacy is science and technology, which has both the hard power and soft power<br />features , while at the same time demonstrating the ability to boycott, and the ability to partner and<br />converge. of course, this role is more under the ownership of diplomacy of science and technology.<br />But the field findings and results and average scores obtained from domestic and foreign thinkers<br />Also have emphasized that science and technology have high degree of influence in three dimensions<br />hard, soft, and smart power. <br />Analysis<br />The analize of research's findings reflect the fact that the new developments have leded the role<br />of science and particularly technology, as a key element, have attractived more than ever by the<br />view of the majority of global powers. which, of course, partly reflects nature and character of<br />science and technology; So that Between the various components that are influencing the power<br />of a country, whether either in viewpoint of appearance or in viewpoint of Thinkers, Science<br />and technology have a double nature. therefore, it have this the capacity and potential that hard<br />power and soft power can been connectived under of the ownership of diplomacy of science<br />and technology. on this basis, science and then technology can be thought of as the most<br />important linker of hard power, soft power and smart power. <br />Conclusion<br />The results showed that although in the past centuries, territory, population, agricultural<br />resources, military power were the sources of authority, but in the present time, this role has<br />been transferred to science and technology; in fact, though that from ancient times, science<br />as a the source of authority has been important; but in the current era, this role has been<br />enhanced with the help of technology; therefore, today, science and technology not only in<br />its vast definition are probably the most important source of power, but also been impressed<br />on the use of other forms of power and altered their mechanism and actions.<br />Therefore, in the context of the globalization process and the complexity of the social and<br />international environment, after the collapse of the bipolar system, we are witnessing the<br />growing impact of science and technology on political issues and the equations of power on<br />the international level. So, As America's position at the top of global geometry of power, to<br />a large extent, reflects the use of science and technology in pursuit of political, economic,<br />military, cultural and other goals.For this reason, in today's world, science and technology<br />can be used as a rating card in the confront with global equations, since that it have a<br />significant impact on hard, soft, and smart power of countries.قدرت از جمله مفاهیمی است که در مرکز توجه متخصصان جغرافیای سیاسی و ژئوپلیتیک قرار دارد؛ ازاینرو، اندیشمندان مختلفی به بحث در مورد ماهیت، قلمرو، ابعاد، کاربرد و کارکرد آن پرداختهاند؛ بر این اساس، یکی از جدیدترین اقسام طبقهبندی قدرت، تقسیم آن به سه شکل قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند است. از طرف دیگر، از سالیان دور علم و امروزه در کنار آن فناوری بهعنوان یکی از فاکتورهای اصلی قدرت قابل طرح بوده است. بر این اساس، این پژوهش با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استناد به منابع معتبر کتابخانه ای و تحقیقات میدانی بهدنبال بررسی نقش و جایگاه علم و فناوری در اشکال سهگانه قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند است؛ از این حیث، علاوه بر رجوع به منابع معتبر در قسمت یافتههای کتابخانهای، در بخش مطالعات میدانی، پرسشنامهای به دو زبان فارسی و انگلیسی تهیه و در اختیار کارشناسان و صاحبنظران قرار گرفته که در مجوع 80 پرسشنامه تکمیل و ملاک ارزیابی قرار گرفت. با این تفاسیر یافتههای کتابخانهای پژوهش حاکی از آن است که علم و فناوری از جایگاه و نقش بنیادینی در هر سه بعد قدرت یعنی قدرت سخت، نرم و هوشمند برخوردار است. همچنین، یافتههای میدانی نیز بیانگر این ادعا است که از منظر خبرگان و کارشناسان، علم و فناوری به ترتیب بر قدرت هوشمند، سخت و نرم بیشترین تأثیر گذاری را دارد. <br /> <br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923United States Geo-strategy in Asia Pacific; Change or
Continuation?ژئواستراتژی آمریکا در آسیا پاسیفیک؛ تداوم یا تغییر؟13917555810FAمحمدجواد قهرمانیدانشجوی دکتری روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20170306Introduction<br />Asia pacific is an important region in world economy and security. Given to this, and because<br />of growing power of china and increased threat of North Korea, U.S. in recent years has<br />concentrated to this region. It's clear manifestation was Asia pivot or rebalancing by Obama's<br />administration. But, Donald Trump as elected U.S. new president both in his election<br />campaign and after winning the completion, has declared some new principles that are very<br />different from past. Because of this, in this article, we are seeking the answer to these<br />question: is there a new trend in U.S. in relation to Asia Pacific? Do the geostrategic pivot of<br />Washington in changing? <br />Methodology<br />With a descriptive-analytical method, present work try to analyze the limitation and<br />requirements of U.S. Foreign Policy in contemporary era. <br />Findings<br />The significances of Asia pacific for U.S. are:<br />- Presence of U.S. allies in this region;<br />- Growing region Economic contribution in world economy;<br />- China's rising;<br />- North Korea threat;<br />- Taiwan issue;<br />- South and east China sea.<br />American Asia Pivot strategy: Asia pivot is the strategy the U.S. under Obama specially<br />from 2011 has pursued. The pillars of this strategy are:<br />- Promotion of U.S. alliance system and increase the relations with rising partners<br />- Enforcing institutional and multilateral presence<br />- Enhancing military activity in the region<br />- Trying to promoting the human rights situation in regional countries<br />The limitations and opportunities of U.S. declared policy by Trump in Asia<br />Pacific region:<br />Donald Trump has declared some promises that some of them are impossible because of their<br />costs for American position in international system and its economy and welfare of people.<br />These declared policies by Trump include: increasing tariffs on imported goods from China<br />to U.S.; decreasing Washington support of allies; exit from some institutional framework<br />such as TPP and … .<br />This study for analyzing this issue has focused on behavioral requirements of a pole in<br />unipolar system. For keeping the status quo, U.S. as the only pole in international system<br />should maintains its alliances with regional power to balance against a growing power. In<br />addition to this, increasing tariff against Chinese goods causes retaliation from china. This,<br />also can increase the prices of goods in U.S.. Moreover, retreating from T.P.P leads to<br />increase in China's regional and institutional role. It should be noted that contrary to Trump<br />naive view, American companies have gone to china because of cheap labors costs, as a result<br />they don’t prefer to come back to U.S. even, they prefer to go to cheaper countries such as<br />Vietnam. <br />Analysis<br />Given to this situation and existence a systemic approach in U.S. establishment on grand<br />strategy of white house, it seems that Washington maintains its alliances in Asia Pacific,<br />keeps its military presence, and as same as past, U.S. will prefer to continue its relations with<br />China, so their relation have both elements of conflict and cooperation. In addition, Trump<br />administration probably continue American Taiwan past policy, and we don’t see any break<br />from conventional policy. <br />Conclusion<br />It seems that the U.S. under Trump will follow the major of rules that may maintain their<br />country as the salience power in international system. Even if he want to basically change its<br />foreign policy, the establishment oppose to his approach. Keeping the status quo, trying to<br />maintain unipolar System that U.S. is its leader, has some requirements that American leaders<br />know it well.ایالاتمتحده آمریکا بهعنوان قدرت برتر در نظام بینالملل همواره بهدنبال موازنهسازی در مناطق مختلف بهمنظور عدم ظهور قدرت همسنگ خود در مناطق مختلف بوده است. پس از حادثه یازده سپتامبر مقابله با تروریسم به محور سیاست خارجی آمریکا و منطقه خاورمیانه نیز بهعنوان منطقه محوری کنش سیاست خارجیاین کشور تبدیل شد. اما با افزایش نقش منطقه آسیاپاسیفیک در اقتصاد و امنیت جهانی، باراک اوباما با طرح استراتژی محور آسیایی بهدنبال اولویتبخشی به این منطقه در سیاست خارجی این کشور بود. از نمودهای این استراتژی میتوان به تلاش ایالاتمتحده جهت تقویت سیستم اتحادی و افزایش تعاملات با قدرتهای در حال ظهور، تلاش جهت افزایش حضور نظامی، حضور چندجانبه فعالتر و پیشبرد دمکراسی و حقوق بشر بوده است. اما با توجه به چالشهای پیشرو و انتخاب ترامپ بهعنوان رئیسجمهور آمریکا سؤالاتی در خصوص تداوم یا تغییر در این استراتژی این کشور مطرح شده است. این پژوهش با توجه به اهمیت آسیاپاسیفیک در اقتصاد، امنیت و سیاست جهان به بررسی پیامدهای مثبت و منفی رویکردهای مطرح شده دولت ترامپ میپردازد. با توجه به پیامدهای منفی کاهش حضور، این پژوهش بر این فرض مبتنی است که ایالاتمتحده گرچه همراه با تغییراتی، اما همچنان منطقه آسیاپاسیفیک را یکی از مهمترین اولویتهای سیاست خارجی خود میداند.<br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Defensive Realism and the Logic of NATO's Existence
after September 11واقعگرایی تدافعی و منطق موجودیت ناتو پس از یازده سپتامبر17620255811FAسید علی منوریاستادیار روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه خوارزمیمجید محمدشریفیدانشآموخته روابط بینالملل، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20170116Introduction<br />The September 11, 2001 incident has entered NATO in a new phase in its political life. In<br />addition to the various issues, terrorism, expanded the agenda of this security organization<br />and led to a new interpretation of NATO's constitution, especially its fifth article. The theory<br />of realism in the context of a research program and defensive realism as an advance in this<br />program research addresses the expansion of the NATO expansion after 9/11. <br />Methodology<br />This study, considering the rationalist theory of international relations as an attempt to<br />explain the causes of the events and with applying the theory of defensive realism, has used<br />a descriptive-explanatory method to advance the purpose of the research. <br />Findings<br />1. Defensive realism as an advance in realistic research program:<br />Defensive realism by adding complementary propositions to the core of realist research<br />program used this great theory of international relations to explain the specific behaviors of<br />governments and security alliances.<br />2. September 9, 2001 and Norm-making in International Politics:<br />The September 11, 2001, along with the great effects on great power relations and the<br />redefinition of concepts such as power, preventive and preemptive war, Has led to a review<br />of some international norms such as legitimate defense.<br />3. Changing concepts in international politics and changing the agenda of security<br />institutions:<br />The dynamics of the events in the international environment, especially in the military –<br />security arena, has led to the redefinition of concepts such as national security and power,<br />which has changed the agenda of security institutions.<br />4. Defensive realism and the persistence of security allies:<br />This research shows how defensive realism by adding auxiliary propositions to the core of<br />realism, as a research program, explains the process of transforming and changing the<br />principles of international institutions , why international security institutions be continued<br />after Solving it’s the existential threat has been durable question in the literature of realism;<br />defensive realism is trying to answer this question. <br />Analysis<br />This research takes into account NATO developments in its evolution after World War II,<br />Particularly; the changes made to this important security institution after 9/11 And has used<br />the theory of defensive realism as an advance in the research program to explain NATO<br />Developments. <br />Conclusion<br />The findings of this study show how defensive realism with preserve of realism hard core<br />as the Great Theory of International Politics And only with some adjustments in its protective<br />belt, It can turn into a theory to explain the foreign policy behavior of countries and<br />international security institutions. To prove this claim, based on this theory, NATO's<br />developments after September 9, 2001, have been explained.با پایان جنگ سرد و معادلات حاکم بر آن بهنظر میرسید که سرمشق واقعگرایی از تبیین تداوم موجودیت اتحادیۀ ناتو ناتوان است. این در حالی بود که ناتو، متعاقب پایان جنگ سرد در رویدادهای بالکان درگیر شده و از این نظر در حال تجربۀ فصلی نوین در تطوّر تاریخی خود بود. در ادامۀ تحولات پس از جنگ سرد، وقوع رویداد یازده سپتامبر ناتو را کاملاً متوجه تهدیدات برآمده از تروریسم کرد. در این ارتباط، استناد به مادۀ (5) معاهدۀ واشنگتن پس از رویداد یازده سپتامبر توسط اتحادیه برای اولین بار از زمان شکلگیری آن، مبیّن آن است که درک ناتو از تهدید تروریسم بیش از پیش، آن را در جهت توسعه نهادی و تداوم موجودیت خود سوق داده است. این مقاله در صدد توضیح تداوم موجودیت ناتو از منظر واقعگرایی تدافعی، در ادامۀ اصلاحات صورت پذیرفته در برنامۀ پژوهشی واقعگرایی است. بهعبارتدیگر پرسش اصلی این مقاله این است که واقعگرایی چگونه میتواند موجودیت ناتو پس از یازده سپتامبر را تببین کند؟ در پاسخ به این پرسش این مقاله واقعگرایی تدافعی را پیشرفتی در برنامه پژوهشی واقعگرایی میداند که ضمن حفظ هسته مرکزی واقعگرایی میتوان پاسخگوی تحولات جدید ناتو حفظ موجودیت آن پس از یازده سپتامبر باشد.<br /> <br /> انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331134720170923Analysis of Armenia's Geopolitical Landscape in the
Parthian Period; According to the Archaeological Findingsتحلیل چشمانداز ژئوپلیتیک ارمنستان در دوره اشکانی؛ با استناد به یافتههای باستانشناسی20323055812FAرضا رضالودانشیار باستانشناسی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلینعمت حریریدانشجوی دکتری باستانشناسی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلیکریم حاجیزادهاستادیار باستانشناسی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلیشببو محمدیکارشناس ارشد باستانشناسی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلیJournal Article20170215Introduction<br />Armenia has attracted the attention of many different nations because of its geopolitical<br />situation, that's why this country with its strategic location has been epicenter of the wars in<br />Iran and Rome in the Parthian era. Finally, during of the Sassanid period conflicts had been<br />ended with dividing of Armenia between the two great powers. Roman army failed repeatedly<br />in the face of Parthians guerrilla forces in Mesopotamian plains and finally used the natural<br />geography campaign to Iran. For this purpose, that roman army chose Armenia to march into<br />Iran, Parthian government built a string of defensive fortifications to confronting with their<br />intermittent attacks at the entrance of road to the Iranian plateau in north western. <br />Methodology<br />In this research, used analytical and descriptive approach based on field and library study, historical<br />written sources and archaeological data which includes Parthian fortresses of the northwest to the<br />study of communication and conflicts between powerful nations during the Parthian period. <br />Results and Discussion<br />In our survey in Meshkin Shahr we recognized 8 fortresses in this period that built to<br />defensing of roman and Armenian attack to Iran. It seems that in the beginning of wares in<br />the Orod one time and failing of roman from Parthian in Horan ware, roman understood that<br />he did not conquered to Parthian in plains because of the power and mobility of Parthian<br />cavalry. In the fourth Farhad, roman under the leader ship of Mark Anthony attacked to Iran<br />from north western and blockade Fraspa (The center of Atropathen). This study also<br />recognizes the relationship between the two empires mentioned above and consequently has<br />attended political and military geographical knowledge of Armenia. <br />Conclusion<br />The results showed important geopolitical situation of Armenia in the Iranian military and<br />political relations with neighboring and competitors countries.<br /><br />ارمنستان از دیرباز بهدلیل موقعیت ژئوپلیتیک خاص خود، توجه بسیاری از اقوام و ملل مختلف را جلب کرده است، بهگونهای که این کشور با موقعیت راهبردی آن به کانون اصلی جنگهای ایران و روم در عصر اشکانی بدل شده بود؛ منازعاتی که سرانجام در دوران حکومت ساسانیان، با تقسیم ارمنستان میان این دو قدرت بزرگ به پایان رسید. ارتش روم بارها در رویارویی با نیروهای پارتیزان اشکانی در دشتهای بینالنهرین مغلوب و سرانجام برای رفع ناکامیهای خود، از جغرافیای طبیعی ارمنستان بهمنظور نفوذ و لشکرکشی استفاده کرد. به همین منظور و در راستای اقدامات رومیها که این منطقه را برای لشکرکشی به داخل ایران انتخاب نمودند، دولت اشکانی برای مقابله با حملات متناوب آنها، رشته استحکامات تدافعی در گذرگاههای طبیعی ورودی به فلات ایران ایجاد کرد. در این پژوهش، با رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی و با روش میدانی و کتابخانهای و با استناد به منابع مکتوب تاریخی و دادههای باستانشناختی که شامل بررسی قلاع دوره اشکانی و مستندات باستانشناسی بوده به مطالعه ارتباطات و منازعات مابین بین ملل قدرتمند در دوران اشکانی پرداخته شده است. همچنین مطالعه فوق به بازشناسی روابط بین دو امپراتوری مذکور و بهتبع آن شناخت جغرافیایی سیاسی- نظامی ارمنستان توجه کرده است. نتیجه به دست آمده نشاندهنده اهمیت موقعیت ژئوپلیتیک ارمنستان، در روابط سیاسی- نظامی ایران با کشورهای همسایه و رقبا بوده است.<br /> <br />