Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Philosophical-Conceptual Explanation of Political Geography of CityPhilosophical-Conceptual Explanation of Political Geography of City94456942FAMousa Kamanroudi Kajouri- Ph.D Graduated of Urban Geography, Shahid Beheshti University, TehranTajaddin Karami- Ph.D Studentof Urban Geography, Trbiat Moalem University, TehranAta’ollah Abdi- Ph.D Graduated of Political Geography, Trbiat Modares University, TehranJournal Article20090505Cities are socio-spatial systems with various natural, economic, social, cultural, political and institutional aspects. Among these, the political and institutional aspects are more important because of the tools and power to control other vital aspects of the city. This is why political relations and their impact in spatial development of the city have always been paid double attention by the geographers. In this connection, urban issues as ideas governing political geography and geopolitics have received good attention too. Political geography, with chiefly an urban approach, studies the role of political decisions and approaches in the emergence and removal of urban problems, mainly in the form of political management of the city. The political geography has focused on political-spatial phenomenon of the city and studies the role of political procedures and decision-makers in urban administration, directing, controlling and shaping of the space and spatial organization of the city. As in geopolitics, the impacts of ultra-city interactions, communications and performances in influencing political power are studied. This, of course, does not mean inattention to the decisive role of urban phenomena and factors on the political power in national and urban level. Geopolitics takes city at the center with a vast capability to affect various territorial aspects. The political role-players have always paid a special attention to city as a tool for more political power. Therefore, urban managers as members of the political role-players in the city, cannot bring about desirable development and city administration without gaining sufficient familiarity with the political geography and geopolitical factors. <br />This study intends to present a philosophical-conceptual approach toward political geography of the city to provide an appropriate framework for studying the importance and status of city in political geography, geopolitics and its role in development of city administration. This work is the result of descriptive-analytical research based on library studies. The findings show that studying cities based on political geography and geopolitics viewpoints can provide solutions to urban development problems, specially in the Third World Countries. Therefore, in this research work, formation of urban spaces under political structures and decisions and various natural and human factors inside and outside the city has been studied in line with producing political power. <br /> <br /> Cities are socio-spatial systems with various natural, economic, social, cultural, political and institutional aspects. Among these, the political and institutional aspects are more important because of the tools and power to control other vital aspects of the city. This is why political relations and their impact in spatial development of the city have always been paid double attention by the geographers. In this connection, urban issues as ideas governing political geography and geopolitics have received good attention too. Political geography, with chiefly an urban approach, studies the role of political decisions and approaches in the emergence and removal of urban problems, mainly in the form of political management of the city. The political geography has focused on political-spatial phenomenon of the city and studies the role of political procedures and decision-makers in urban administration, directing, controlling and shaping of the space and spatial organization of the city. As in geopolitics, the impacts of ultra-city interactions, communications and performances in influencing political power are studied. This, of course, does not mean inattention to the decisive role of urban phenomena and factors on the political power in national and urban level. Geopolitics takes city at the center with a vast capability to affect various territorial aspects. The political role-players have always paid a special attention to city as a tool for more political power. Therefore, urban managers as members of the political role-players in the city, cannot bring about desirable development and city administration without gaining sufficient familiarity with the political geography and geopolitical factors. <br />This study intends to present a philosophical-conceptual approach toward political geography of the city to provide an appropriate framework for studying the importance and status of city in political geography, geopolitics and its role in development of city administration. This work is the result of descriptive-analytical research based on library studies. The findings show that studying cities based on political geography and geopolitics viewpoints can provide solutions to urban development problems, specially in the Third World Countries. Therefore, in this research work, formation of urban spaces under political structures and decisions and various natural and human factors inside and outside the city has been studied in line with producing political power. <br /> <br /> Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Role of Geopolitical Bottlenecks of Iraq in Occupying KuwaitRole of Geopolitical Bottlenecks of Iraq in Occupying Kuwait456956943FAAsghar Jafari Valdani- Associate Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabaei University, TehranJournal Article20091227In 1990 Iraq occupied Kuwait and annexed it as the 19th province of Iraq. The question is: What were the most important reasons behind occupation of Kuwait? Occupation of Kuwait had various reasons, but this study assumes Iraqi geopolitical bottleneck was the main impetus for this occupation. To clarify this hypothesis, first, some explanations have been made on geopolitical theories, then the most important geopolitical factors involved in occupation of Kuwait, such as geographical situation, borders and natural resources, i.e. Iraqi physical environment, have been studied. As far as geographical situation is concerned, Iraq has no suitable situation in the Persian Gulf. For this reason, in the beginning, Iraq tried to reach the Mediterranean coasts after establishing the great Iraq by presenting the “plan of Khasib crescent”. Failing to do so, Iraq focused on the Persian Gulf. Iraq had always sought annexing the whole or at least part of Kuwait to improve its geographical situation in the Persian Gulf to remove geopolitical bottlenecks. Of course, Iraq’s attention to Kuwaiti oil reserves must not be forgotten either. On this basis, although until 1990 Iraqi previous leaders had signed agreements with Kuwaiti rulers on joint borders on paper, nothing had been realized on in practice. This is because official establishment of joint borders meant official recognition of Kuwait as an independent state. On the other hand, Iraqi leaders such as Malek Ghazi, Nouri Saeed, Abdelkarim Ghassim and Saddam Hussein were aware of the geopolitical bottlenecks of Iraq in the Persian Gulf. They considered Kuwait as a part of Iraq and accused England of restricting Iraqi access to the Persian Gulf by establishing an independent state named Kuwait. Occupation of Kuwait took place in 1990 on this basis, to remove the geopolitical bottlenecks of Iraq. <br /> <br /> <br /> In 1990 Iraq occupied Kuwait and annexed it as the 19th province of Iraq. The question is: What were the most important reasons behind occupation of Kuwait? Occupation of Kuwait had various reasons, but this study assumes Iraqi geopolitical bottleneck was the main impetus for this occupation. To clarify this hypothesis, first, some explanations have been made on geopolitical theories, then the most important geopolitical factors involved in occupation of Kuwait, such as geographical situation, borders and natural resources, i.e. Iraqi physical environment, have been studied. As far as geographical situation is concerned, Iraq has no suitable situation in the Persian Gulf. For this reason, in the beginning, Iraq tried to reach the Mediterranean coasts after establishing the great Iraq by presenting the “plan of Khasib crescent”. Failing to do so, Iraq focused on the Persian Gulf. Iraq had always sought annexing the whole or at least part of Kuwait to improve its geographical situation in the Persian Gulf to remove geopolitical bottlenecks. Of course, Iraq’s attention to Kuwaiti oil reserves must not be forgotten either. On this basis, although until 1990 Iraqi previous leaders had signed agreements with Kuwaiti rulers on joint borders on paper, nothing had been realized on in practice. This is because official establishment of joint borders meant official recognition of Kuwait as an independent state. On the other hand, Iraqi leaders such as Malek Ghazi, Nouri Saeed, Abdelkarim Ghassim and Saddam Hussein were aware of the geopolitical bottlenecks of Iraq in the Persian Gulf. They considered Kuwait as a part of Iraq and accused England of restricting Iraqi access to the Persian Gulf by establishing an independent state named Kuwait. Occupation of Kuwait took place in 1990 on this basis, to remove the geopolitical bottlenecks of Iraq. <br /> <br /> <br /> Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Saddle Point in Game Theory
Case Study: Iran-Iraq WarSaddle Point in Game Theory
Case Study: Iran-Iraq War7010156944FAFarhad Darvishi- Assistant Professor of Political Sciences, Imam Khomeini International University, QazvinMaliheh Ramezani- MA of Political Sciences, Imam Khomeini International University, QazvinJournal Article20091224Game theory is one of the procedures in the international relations that can be used for studying many events and incidents such as war. Rationality of the players is one of the key points in a game. This means the players take part in the game upon required calculations to get the maximum advantages from the other side. The players meet at a point known as saddle point, which has the maximum profit and minimum loss. The disagreement in the saddle point will have negative consequences for both sides. <br />This study has relied on a descriptive-comparative method to divide Iran-Iraq War into four stages in order to find the best time, or the saddle point, for finishing the war. <br />Findings showed that the saddle point in Iran-Iraq War was the third stage when Resolution 598 was adopted by the UNSC. At that stage, when the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 598, Iraq officially accepted the resolution but the Iranian government did not accept the resolution for some reasons. That time, Iran had a large part of Iraqi territory under control and did not want to give them back without gaining some advantages. Since then, Iraq retook occupied lands in Fav, Basra suburbs, and Majnoon Islands and forced Iran accept Resolution 598 at a time Iran had lost the majority of Iraqi lands under its control. In sum, rejecting the resolution immediately after its adoption increased Iran’s costs and repayments as a player in the war. It seems, Iran could accept the resolution immediately after adoption to prevent further damages to life and property in the closing months of the war and to sit at the negotiation table with many achievements and advantages. <br /> <br /> Game theory is one of the procedures in the international relations that can be used for studying many events and incidents such as war. Rationality of the players is one of the key points in a game. This means the players take part in the game upon required calculations to get the maximum advantages from the other side. The players meet at a point known as saddle point, which has the maximum profit and minimum loss. The disagreement in the saddle point will have negative consequences for both sides. <br />This study has relied on a descriptive-comparative method to divide Iran-Iraq War into four stages in order to find the best time, or the saddle point, for finishing the war. <br />Findings showed that the saddle point in Iran-Iraq War was the third stage when Resolution 598 was adopted by the UNSC. At that stage, when the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 598, Iraq officially accepted the resolution but the Iranian government did not accept the resolution for some reasons. That time, Iran had a large part of Iraqi territory under control and did not want to give them back without gaining some advantages. Since then, Iraq retook occupied lands in Fav, Basra suburbs, and Majnoon Islands and forced Iran accept Resolution 598 at a time Iran had lost the majority of Iraqi lands under its control. In sum, rejecting the resolution immediately after its adoption increased Iran’s costs and repayments as a player in the war. It seems, Iran could accept the resolution immediately after adoption to prevent further damages to life and property in the closing months of the war and to sit at the negotiation table with many achievements and advantages. <br /> <br /> Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Unbalanced Détente in Iran’s Foreign Policy (1988-2009)Unbalanced Détente in Iran’s Foreign Policy (1988-2009)10212056945FATahereh Torabi- Ph.D Graduated of International Relations, Azad-e Islami University, North Tehran BranchJournal Article20100126Iran actually began détente in foreign policy since 1988. At that period, Iran’s foreign policy made some changes in its “policymaking” and “national role”. The very changes were made upon economic, strategic and security requirements. Upon the necessities of the new period we observed changes in Iran’s foreign policy and economic priorities. The first wave of détente reconstructed Iran’s relations with the Persian Gulf littoral states and the Middle East nations. The second wave of détente began in 1997, when the condition was ripe for broadening ties with the European states. The second wave of détente focused on “confidence building” and as a result, Iran’s economic and strategic relations with the European states grew substantially. At that period, Iran made extensive efforts for “effective partnership” with other world countries in economic and strategic fields. The détente trend showed sign of reversibility in 2000s as a result of lack of balance in détente procedures. In the new period Iran’s political and strategic priorities underwent changes. Signs of unbalance in foreign policy and security issues appeared. On the other hand, Iran’s national role in foreign policy was drastically changed. As a result, multilateral cooperation gave way to expanding oppositions. This showed signs of unbalance in Iran’s foreign policy had appeared and impressed many other areas. There are many reasons for the emergence of unbalance in détente foreign policy. This study hypothesizes that “structural factors” along with sub-national components such as “the role of the elite” were responsible for the change in foreign policy and the emergence of unbalanced components. <br />This “structure & agent” research work highlights the role of international forces along with the change in political elite. <br /> <br /> Iran actually began détente in foreign policy since 1988. At that period, Iran’s foreign policy made some changes in its “policymaking” and “national role”. The very changes were made upon economic, strategic and security requirements. Upon the necessities of the new period we observed changes in Iran’s foreign policy and economic priorities. The first wave of détente reconstructed Iran’s relations with the Persian Gulf littoral states and the Middle East nations. The second wave of détente began in 1997, when the condition was ripe for broadening ties with the European states. The second wave of détente focused on “confidence building” and as a result, Iran’s economic and strategic relations with the European states grew substantially. At that period, Iran made extensive efforts for “effective partnership” with other world countries in economic and strategic fields. The détente trend showed sign of reversibility in 2000s as a result of lack of balance in détente procedures. In the new period Iran’s political and strategic priorities underwent changes. Signs of unbalance in foreign policy and security issues appeared. On the other hand, Iran’s national role in foreign policy was drastically changed. As a result, multilateral cooperation gave way to expanding oppositions. This showed signs of unbalance in Iran’s foreign policy had appeared and impressed many other areas. There are many reasons for the emergence of unbalance in détente foreign policy. This study hypothesizes that “structural factors” along with sub-national components such as “the role of the elite” were responsible for the change in foreign policy and the emergence of unbalanced components. <br />This “structure & agent” research work highlights the role of international forces along with the change in political elite. <br /> <br /> Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Explanation of the Role of Border Markets in Sustainable Development and Security of the EnvironsExplanation of the Role of Border Markets in Sustainable Development and Security of the Environs12115156946FAMostafa Ghaderi Hojjat- Ph.D Student of Political Geography, Trbiat Modares University, Tehran0000-0003-2012-7394Erfan Abdi- MA of Rural Geography, Trbiat Modares University, TehranZahra Jalili Parvaneh- MA of Rural Geography, Trbiat Modares University, TehranNasser Bagheri Saranjianeh- MA of Rural Geography, Trbiat Modares University, TehranJournal Article20091109Sustainable development, comprehensive security and social justice are the major issues for the developing countries to realize. A glance is enough to understand about the minimum share of borderline communities in the national and regional development plans in comparison with the central regions. Some reasons for this backwardness may be the geographical solitude of the border regions, distance from industrial and economic centers, as well as social, economic, political and cultural underdevelopment. To develop the border areas, countries have created border markets which are among the best known tools for economic development of these disadvantaged areas. This, they do to fight various problems resulting from underdevelopment in these areas. This study with descriptive-analytical approach has relied on library and field studies to clarify the role of border markets in sustainable security and development of the environs especially in Southern Khorasan Province.
The hypothesis is: these border markets possess high potentials for boosting sustainable security and development in their environs. The findings suggest that border markets have managed to relatively make a positive impact in the development of their environs. Such a relative development has boosted security in various aspects. It should be noted, however, that these border markets have made a negative impact on improvement of such factors as education and scientific upbringing of the residents in these areas. The point suggests that development is something beyond progress.
Sustainable development, comprehensive security and social justice are the major issues for the developing countries to realize. A glance is enough to understand about the minimum share of borderline communities in the national and regional development plans in comparison with the central regions. Some reasons for this backwardness may be the geographical solitude of the border regions, distance from industrial and economic centers, as well as social, economic, political and cultural underdevelopment. To develop the border areas, countries have created border markets which are among the best known tools for economic development of these disadvantaged areas. This, they do to fight various problems resulting from underdevelopment in these areas. This study with descriptive-analytical approach has relied on library and field studies to clarify the role of border markets in sustainable security and development of the environs especially in Southern Khorasan Province.
The hypothesis is: these border markets possess high potentials for boosting sustainable security and development in their environs. The findings suggest that border markets have managed to relatively make a positive impact in the development of their environs. Such a relative development has boosted security in various aspects. It should be noted, however, that these border markets have made a negative impact on improvement of such factors as education and scientific upbringing of the residents in these areas. The point suggests that development is something beyond progress.
Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Role of Border Towns in Globalization and Regional Development
Case Study: Border Towns of Khorasan Razavi ProvinceRole of Border Towns in Globalization and Regional Development
Case Study: Border Towns of Khorasan Razavi Province15218556947FAMohammad Rahim Rahnama- Associate Professor Geography, Ferdowsi University, MashhadMasoumeh Tavangar- Academic Board Member, Academic Center for Education, Culture & Research, MashhadJournal Article20091002Urbanization of the world and globalization of the cities are the two major issues of the Third Millennium. Despite negative consequences of globalization, all cities plan to join the world network of cities to enjoy advantages of globalization. Iranian cities, too, face serious problems for globalization because of various factors such as the delay in establishing links with the world economy, weak scientific literature of globalization of cities, unstable foreign policy and political tensions between Iran and the United States, unilateral U.S. sanctions and consequently sluggish foreign investment in Iran, Internet access and communications restrictions, weak financial, banking, and transport infrastructures, and absence of enforceable rules and regulations. The problem is more palpable in the border towns because of their special geopolitical conditions. The majority of cities suffering a serious geographical solitude in the past, have began today to play a pivotal role in the course of development from that point to all other points across the country. These towns are therefore, after removing their infrastructural, management, legal, and cultural problems to be in full conformity with the procedure of globalization. <br />This study intends to present solutions for better use of the existing chances beyond the national borders (8336 kilometers of joint border with Afghanistan and Turkmenistan) to serve as the consumer market for over 50 million people in Central Asia and Afghanistan. For research purposes, first, globalization of Iran’s border towns in Khorasan Razavi Province (Bajgiran, Lotfabad, Sarakhs and Taybad) was analyzed according to the existing theories. We used questionnaire and interview techniques to have an appropriate panorama of local capabilities and capacities on performance of urban gates and nodes in regional development. Finally the following suggestions were presented: amending rules and regulations, promoting the role of management system, amending and improving customs laws and formalities, investment in urban infrastructures and presenting appropriate cultural and judiciary ground for attracting more foreign investment in these regions. <br /> <br /> Urbanization of the world and globalization of the cities are the two major issues of the Third Millennium. Despite negative consequences of globalization, all cities plan to join the world network of cities to enjoy advantages of globalization. Iranian cities, too, face serious problems for globalization because of various factors such as the delay in establishing links with the world economy, weak scientific literature of globalization of cities, unstable foreign policy and political tensions between Iran and the United States, unilateral U.S. sanctions and consequently sluggish foreign investment in Iran, Internet access and communications restrictions, weak financial, banking, and transport infrastructures, and absence of enforceable rules and regulations. The problem is more palpable in the border towns because of their special geopolitical conditions. The majority of cities suffering a serious geographical solitude in the past, have began today to play a pivotal role in the course of development from that point to all other points across the country. These towns are therefore, after removing their infrastructural, management, legal, and cultural problems to be in full conformity with the procedure of globalization. <br />This study intends to present solutions for better use of the existing chances beyond the national borders (8336 kilometers of joint border with Afghanistan and Turkmenistan) to serve as the consumer market for over 50 million people in Central Asia and Afghanistan. For research purposes, first, globalization of Iran’s border towns in Khorasan Razavi Province (Bajgiran, Lotfabad, Sarakhs and Taybad) was analyzed according to the existing theories. We used questionnaire and interview techniques to have an appropriate panorama of local capabilities and capacities on performance of urban gates and nodes in regional development. Finally the following suggestions were presented: amending rules and regulations, promoting the role of management system, amending and improving customs laws and formalities, investment in urban infrastructures and presenting appropriate cultural and judiciary ground for attracting more foreign investment in these regions. <br /> <br /> Iranian Association of GeopoliticsGeopolitics Quarterly1735-433161920100923Grounds behind Insecurity in Border Areas of West Azerbaijan Province from the Viewpoint of Military-Security GeographyGrounds behind Insecurity in Border Areas of West Azerbaijan Province from the Viewpoint of Military-Security Geography18621056948FAMohammad Bagher Chokhachizadeh Moghaddam- Assistant Professor of Geography, Imam Hussein University, TehranDavood Amini Qeshlaqi- MA of Military Geography, Imam Ali University, TehranJournal Article20090808Among 16 border provinces of Iran West Azarbaijan is second only to Khuzestan Province in importance, since because of neighborliness with three important Middle Eastern and southern Caucasian countries, i.e. Turkey, Iraq, Republic of Azerbaijan (Nakhichevan Autonomous State), as well as its sensitive geopolitical and geo-strategic situation this province is the gateway toward Europe. The borderline of this province starts from the valley of Little Zab in Sardasht, neighboring Kurdistan of Iraq, and extends to Bour Alan (Dim Qeshlaq) in the northernmost border point of this province with Turkey. It is one of the most insecure borderlines in the country because of such factors as special geographic features (natural and manmade) such as arduous mountainous passageways and Kurdish communities. Various social, military and political implications such as cargo and fuel, alcoholic drinks, narcotics, arms and ammunitions smuggling coupled with military clashes with nationalistic Kurd insurgents, tribal-religious tensions and challenges between Turk and Kurd minorities are among the commonest grounds behind insecurity in this province. <br />This research work has studied and analyzed various factors such as legal restrictions, geographical, economic and social injustice, lack of deserving and workable military-security strategies, inattention to the developments in Kurdish communities in Turkey and Iraq responsible for the increasing insecurity in the province and presented enforceable strategies and suggestions for establishing sustainable security and preventing ever-increasing border tensions in this province from military-security viewpoint. <br /> Among 16 border provinces of Iran West Azarbaijan is second only to Khuzestan Province in importance, since because of neighborliness with three important Middle Eastern and southern Caucasian countries, i.e. Turkey, Iraq, Republic of Azerbaijan (Nakhichevan Autonomous State), as well as its sensitive geopolitical and geo-strategic situation this province is the gateway toward Europe. The borderline of this province starts from the valley of Little Zab in Sardasht, neighboring Kurdistan of Iraq, and extends to Bour Alan (Dim Qeshlaq) in the northernmost border point of this province with Turkey. It is one of the most insecure borderlines in the country because of such factors as special geographic features (natural and manmade) such as arduous mountainous passageways and Kurdish communities. Various social, military and political implications such as cargo and fuel, alcoholic drinks, narcotics, arms and ammunitions smuggling coupled with military clashes with nationalistic Kurd insurgents, tribal-religious tensions and challenges between Turk and Kurd minorities are among the commonest grounds behind insecurity in this province. <br />This research work has studied and analyzed various factors such as legal restrictions, geographical, economic and social injustice, lack of deserving and workable military-security strategies, inattention to the developments in Kurdish communities in Turkey and Iraq responsible for the increasing insecurity in the province and presented enforceable strategies and suggestions for establishing sustainable security and preventing ever-increasing border tensions in this province from military-security viewpoint. <br />