انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Interpretive-Structural Modeling of the Affecting Factors on the Spatial Injustice in IranInterpretive-Structural Modeling of the Affecting Factors on the Spatial Injustice in Iran125137364FAMostafaGhaderi HajatAssistant Professor, Dept. of Political Geography, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0003-2012-7394Mohammad RezaHafezniaFull Professor, Dept. of Political Geography, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran0000-0003-1099-6529EbrahimRouminaAssociate Professor, Dept. of Political Geography, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-5372-9677HadiSaifi FarzadPh.D. Dept. of Political Geography, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20210520Spatial justice as a new term focuses more on cities, so it is important to address the national scale. Spatial injustice refers to the imbalanced distribution of valuable political, social and economic power, wealth, infrastructures and opportunity resources. From a political geography point of view, spatial injustice can be a threat to the national integrity, national & domestic security and creation of critical areas in the state. The main goal of this paper is Identification and categorization of factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran. This paper tries to find an answer to the research main question: What are the most important factors affecting spatial injustice in Iran? This study is practical regarding its purpose and in terms of data collection is survey descriptive. Moreover, its data collection is from the questionnaire. First, the dimensions and spatial injustice indicators are distinguished based on the review of the literature, content and comparative analysis of related researches, and interviews with experts. Then using the methodology of modern analytical-interpretive structural modeling (ISM), the relationship between the indicators is determined and analyzed. Finally, the type of variables according to their influence and reception on other variables was identified using MICMAC analysis. Results show that the most important foundations of spatial injustice in Iran based on Interpretive-Structural Modeling Are Inequality in the distribution of power, wealth and opportunities and Theoretical weakness about the spatial justice domain of knowledgeSpatial justice as a new term focuses more on cities, so it is important to address the national scale. Spatial injustice refers to the imbalanced distribution of valuable political, social and economic power, wealth, infrastructures and opportunity resources. From a political geography point of view, spatial injustice can be a threat to the national integrity, national & domestic security and creation of critical areas in the state. The main goal of this paper is Identification and categorization of factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran. This paper tries to find an answer to the research main question: What are the most important factors affecting spatial injustice in Iran? This study is practical regarding its purpose and in terms of data collection is survey descriptive. Moreover, its data collection is from the questionnaire. First, the dimensions and spatial injustice indicators are distinguished based on the review of the literature, content and comparative analysis of related researches, and interviews with experts. Then using the methodology of modern analytical-interpretive structural modeling (ISM), the relationship between the indicators is determined and analyzed. Finally, the type of variables according to their influence and reception on other variables was identified using MICMAC analysis. Results show that the most important foundations of spatial injustice in Iran based on Interpretive-Structural Modeling Are Inequality in the distribution of power, wealth and opportunities and Theoretical weakness about the spatial justice domain of knowledgehttps://journal.iag.ir/article_137364_39a08d8d56d0b0467e828c0ee7684e49.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Geopolitical Power Balancing in Biden’s Strategic Policy MakingGeopolitical Power Balancing in Biden’s Strategic Policy Making2646144794FAAbbasMossalanejadPostdoctoral in Strategic Policy Making and Full Professor of Political Sciences University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20211020The balance of geopolitical power of the United States during the last decades was changed. Biden tries to examine US security policy in the third decade of the 21st century by providing a “geopolitical balancing”. The geopolitical balance of the main axis of strategic policy-making should be in the regional security approaches. The main axes of the geopolitical balance of strategic policy- making in regional environments should be the power limitation, containment and balancing the power of the China, Russia, and Iran.<br />Understanding the US security policy in the geopolitical field has generally been accompanied by the signs of change. Barack Obama took advantage of the geopolitical balance of power. Donald Trump policy making was based on the regional and international hegemony. The strategic hegemonic policy system has put regional hegemony on the agenda and need to be addressed in order to make US policy strategic and enforce it. Each US president has adopted a specific form of security policy making in the regional environment.<br />The main question of the article is “Should a strategic policy making of Joe Biden be in a regional environment?” The hypothesis of the article is based on the view that “Biden uses strategic policy making threat of balancing to counter the various rival actors as so China, Russia and Iran.” Threat balancing theory has been used in compiling the article. Threat balancing theory was a special form of US strategic behavior of the power equation to limit and containing the rise of others as so emerging actors. The methodology of article based on data analysis and content analysis.The balance of geopolitical power of the United States during the last decades was changed. Biden tries to examine US security policy in the third decade of the 21st century by providing a “geopolitical balancing”. The geopolitical balance of the main axis of strategic policy-making should be in the regional security approaches. The main axes of the geopolitical balance of strategic policy- making in regional environments should be the power limitation, containment and balancing the power of the China, Russia, and Iran.<br />Understanding the US security policy in the geopolitical field has generally been accompanied by the signs of change. Barack Obama took advantage of the geopolitical balance of power. Donald Trump policy making was based on the regional and international hegemony. The strategic hegemonic policy system has put regional hegemony on the agenda and need to be addressed in order to make US policy strategic and enforce it. Each US president has adopted a specific form of security policy making in the regional environment.<br />The main question of the article is “Should a strategic policy making of Joe Biden be in a regional environment?” The hypothesis of the article is based on the view that “Biden uses strategic policy making threat of balancing to counter the various rival actors as so China, Russia and Iran.” Threat balancing theory has been used in compiling the article. Threat balancing theory was a special form of US strategic behavior of the power equation to limit and containing the rise of others as so emerging actors. The methodology of article based on data analysis and content analysis.https://journal.iag.ir/article_144794_306b94db5b38f0eac65c8e6ea88d4768.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Rise of the Far Right parties in Europe: from Nationalism to EuroscepticismRise of the Far Right parties in Europe: from Nationalism to Euroscepticism4770129481FASeyed NaderNourbakhshPhD Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-4034-4372Seyyed AbbasAhmadiAssociate Professor of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-8691-4564QiuomarsYazdanpanah DeroAssistant Professor Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-7224-208XAbdolrezaFaraji RadAssociate Professor Political Geography, Islamic Azad University Science and Research Branch, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20201021After the 2015 refugee crisis, the far right parties are not marginal anymore and they have become mainstream in most of the European countries. The present paper aims to (1) portray a perspective of the rise of the far right in Europe with emphasis on their characteristics specially Euroscepticism, nationalism and xenophobia (2) provide a summary for the main cause for the rise of the far right parties (3) to come to some further insights about their supporters and social base by analyses and review of the prior researches. In this article, we focus on immigration and refugee crises as the main reasons for the recent success of Far right parties in Europe, the study reveals that these parties benefited from the protest vote and rise of dissatisfaction among the citizen toward the ruling elites, however, the refugee crisis and arrival of foreign immigrants to Europe, and particularly Germany, and poor performance of traditional political left and right parties are among the main causes for their rise.After the 2015 refugee crisis, the far right parties are not marginal anymore and they have become mainstream in most of the European countries. The present paper aims to (1) portray a perspective of the rise of the far right in Europe with emphasis on their characteristics specially Euroscepticism, nationalism and xenophobia (2) provide a summary for the main cause for the rise of the far right parties (3) to come to some further insights about their supporters and social base by analyses and review of the prior researches. In this article, we focus on immigration and refugee crises as the main reasons for the recent success of Far right parties in Europe, the study reveals that these parties benefited from the protest vote and rise of dissatisfaction among the citizen toward the ruling elites, however, the refugee crisis and arrival of foreign immigrants to Europe, and particularly Germany, and poor performance of traditional political left and right parties are among the main causes for their rise.https://journal.iag.ir/article_129481_dd3e8d259346daf410315c0d46ee525d.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Water Diplomacy Role in Easing Iran-Iraq Hydropolitical TensionsWater Diplomacy Role in Easing Iran-Iraq Hydropolitical Tensions7193142980FAMoradKavianiradDepartment of Political Geography, Faculty of Geographical Sciences, Kharazmi University, Tehran, IranHasanSadraniaAssistant Professor, Research Institute of Strategic Studies, Tehran, Iran.SedighehNasri FakhredavoodAssistant Professor, Faculty member of Hakim Sabzevari University, Sabzevar, IranHusseinHamidAssistant Professor, Department of Spatial Planning and Applied science, Duhok University, IraqJournal Article20210217Environmental sustainability and human settlement are tightly intertwined with water. Therefore, water has had a history-maker function throughout the history of ties between human communities and politico-spatial units. Over the past decades, water consumption has increased in parallel with a reduction in the levels of these strategic resources, thereby orientating the hydro politics-based foreign policy of nations, particularly in low-precipitation regions. In this vein, Iraq’s geographical position is such that several seasonal and permanent rivers running in western Iran flow into its western neighbor, providing for water supply security in some eastern regions of that country. Over the past one and a half-decade, drought-stricken Iran has moved to harvest water flowing out across its western borders, which has consequently reduced water inflow into Iraq and stirred up hydropolitical tensions between the two nations. This research aims to identify effective driving forces in transforming hydropolitical tensions to water cooperation between Iran and Iraq. The functional data required for this research has been gathered by the library-survey method (interview and expert forum) to be analyzed with a combined quantitative-qualitative approach and applying structural analysis. The research found that water diplomacy has a strategic role in reducing hydropolitical tensions.Environmental sustainability and human settlement are tightly intertwined with water. Therefore, water has had a history-maker function throughout the history of ties between human communities and politico-spatial units. Over the past decades, water consumption has increased in parallel with a reduction in the levels of these strategic resources, thereby orientating the hydro politics-based foreign policy of nations, particularly in low-precipitation regions. In this vein, Iraq’s geographical position is such that several seasonal and permanent rivers running in western Iran flow into its western neighbor, providing for water supply security in some eastern regions of that country. Over the past one and a half-decade, drought-stricken Iran has moved to harvest water flowing out across its western borders, which has consequently reduced water inflow into Iraq and stirred up hydropolitical tensions between the two nations. This research aims to identify effective driving forces in transforming hydropolitical tensions to water cooperation between Iran and Iraq. The functional data required for this research has been gathered by the library-survey method (interview and expert forum) to be analyzed with a combined quantitative-qualitative approach and applying structural analysis. The research found that water diplomacy has a strategic role in reducing hydropolitical tensions.https://journal.iag.ir/article_142980_b87ade1df0c53c1425df3328f93f451e.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Geopolitics and Geoeconomics of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Conflict: Analysis of Turkey’s PolicyGeopolitics and Geoeconomics of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Conflict: Analysis of Turkey’s Policy94115142882FASayyadSadri AlibabaluPhD, Sakarya University, Adapazarı, Turkey0000-0002-4909-8411TeymurSarkhanovPhD, Lecturer at Azerbaijan State University of Economics (UNEC), Baku, Azerbaijan0000-0002-2022-9342Journal Article20210614This study reviews the relationship between geopolitics and geo-economics of the Eastern Mediterranean gas resources and Turkey’s perspective on it. The dispute over the region’s resources has entered a dangerous phase in 2019, and the coastal countries are trying to discover new gas resources in areas that overlap with other countries’ marine basins. This has caused a new conflict in the region at two levels. The first level is the dispute between Turkey and Greece over the Cyprus issue, which has also been drawn to this issue. The second one is the fierce geopolitical rivalry between Turkey and other coastal actors such as Egypt and Israel. For showing its decisiveness, Turkey signed a maritime border agreement with Libya in 2019 to neutralize its rivals on the gas issue. In this context, it may be asked, what does motivate the Turkish authorities in their strict policies towards the Eastern Mediterranean? According to the findings, Turkey is trying to take legal-political and military steps to faze the unity of rivals, and this has enabled the Turkish authorities to project and adapt their power in order to enhance their role and presence in the region.This study reviews the relationship between geopolitics and geo-economics of the Eastern Mediterranean gas resources and Turkey’s perspective on it. The dispute over the region’s resources has entered a dangerous phase in 2019, and the coastal countries are trying to discover new gas resources in areas that overlap with other countries’ marine basins. This has caused a new conflict in the region at two levels. The first level is the dispute between Turkey and Greece over the Cyprus issue, which has also been drawn to this issue. The second one is the fierce geopolitical rivalry between Turkey and other coastal actors such as Egypt and Israel. For showing its decisiveness, Turkey signed a maritime border agreement with Libya in 2019 to neutralize its rivals on the gas issue. In this context, it may be asked, what does motivate the Turkish authorities in their strict policies towards the Eastern Mediterranean? According to the findings, Turkey is trying to take legal-political and military steps to faze the unity of rivals, and this has enabled the Turkish authorities to project and adapt their power in order to enhance their role and presence in the region.https://journal.iag.ir/article_142882_6bc185156db5b929ebf841392cf32be1.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222The Future of the Regional System of the Middle East and the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of IranThe Future of the Regional System of the Middle East and the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran116150133401FANajmiyehPour EsmaeiliPHD of International Relations, Researcher at Tehran International Studies & Research Institute.Tehran. Iran.0000-0001-7211-0274HosseinSalimiProfessor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran. IranJournal Article20200916This paper seeks to draw scenarios for the future of the Middle East regional system, and considers the actors in the Middle East regional system as: 1. regional powers; 2. failed states in the region; in this paper the three failed states are mentioned: Iraq, Syria and Yemen, 3. active groups inside the failed states, and 4. interventionist powers, such as the United States and Russia, which intervene from an international level in the regional system of the Middle East. In this regard, the constructive variables of the regional system of the Middle East has been studied which include: the problematic, the boundary, the pole, the anarchy, the interaction pattern, the individual and the structure of the international system. The paper argues that every regional system has the problematic and based on the data obtained, the current problematic at the regional level is the existence of the failed states of Yemen, Iraq and Syria. Hence, it is about examining and identifying other variables surrounding the problematic, and ultimately on whether the objectives and actions of the poles of power in the region on the one hand, and the goals and actions of the superpowers on the international level are in line with the resolution of the problematic or conflicting and contradictory to the problematic, provides scenarios for the variables that shape the regional system, and in particular the regional interaction pattern. Based on these scenarios, the future of Iran's foreign policy can be explained.This paper seeks to draw scenarios for the future of the Middle East regional system, and considers the actors in the Middle East regional system as: 1. regional powers; 2. failed states in the region; in this paper the three failed states are mentioned: Iraq, Syria and Yemen, 3. active groups inside the failed states, and 4. interventionist powers, such as the United States and Russia, which intervene from an international level in the regional system of the Middle East. In this regard, the constructive variables of the regional system of the Middle East has been studied which include: the problematic, the boundary, the pole, the anarchy, the interaction pattern, the individual and the structure of the international system. The paper argues that every regional system has the problematic and based on the data obtained, the current problematic at the regional level is the existence of the failed states of Yemen, Iraq and Syria. Hence, it is about examining and identifying other variables surrounding the problematic, and ultimately on whether the objectives and actions of the poles of power in the region on the one hand, and the goals and actions of the superpowers on the international level are in line with the resolution of the problematic or conflicting and contradictory to the problematic, provides scenarios for the variables that shape the regional system, and in particular the regional interaction pattern. Based on these scenarios, the future of Iran's foreign policy can be explained.https://journal.iag.ir/article_133401_2506f813d7f62216168b4feaf6986dbd.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Confronting Afghanistan’s Security and Development Challenges: A Contribution of the European UnionConfronting Afghanistan’s Security and Development Challenges: A Contribution of the European Union151176133403FASimant ShankarBhartiPh.D. Candidate Faculty of Political Science and International Studies,
University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland.Journal Article20200928Afghanistan is confronting the complexity of security and development challenges for the last several years, and that is affecting the Afghan’s lives and livelihood. Over the past years, it has continuously increased, and due to lack of security as well as the country has faced several incidents after 2014. The war created several problems, and there are major challenges by the Taliban, ISIS, and other critical terrorisation. The study aims to define a system approach that how a fragile system operates and functions. Afghanistan emerges as an example of a fragile state which can be explained through the concept of system approach. The article also looks at the concept of system approach and method takes the case study of Afghanistan to demonstrate the perils of a fragile state since 2014 following international military drawdown. Besides, it also looks at how the EU is responding to these challenges as part of its security and development strategy towards Afghanistan. Concluding remarks observed that a fragile system lacks developments and economic growth which consequences in displacement, emigration and instability in the country consequential in the community or the case of Afghanistan tribal warfare. In past overs years, the EU contributes its development and humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, which is bringing a significant change.Afghanistan is confronting the complexity of security and development challenges for the last several years, and that is affecting the Afghan’s lives and livelihood. Over the past years, it has continuously increased, and due to lack of security as well as the country has faced several incidents after 2014. The war created several problems, and there are major challenges by the Taliban, ISIS, and other critical terrorisation. The study aims to define a system approach that how a fragile system operates and functions. Afghanistan emerges as an example of a fragile state which can be explained through the concept of system approach. The article also looks at the concept of system approach and method takes the case study of Afghanistan to demonstrate the perils of a fragile state since 2014 following international military drawdown. Besides, it also looks at how the EU is responding to these challenges as part of its security and development strategy towards Afghanistan. Concluding remarks observed that a fragile system lacks developments and economic growth which consequences in displacement, emigration and instability in the country consequential in the community or the case of Afghanistan tribal warfare. In past overs years, the EU contributes its development and humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, which is bringing a significant change.https://journal.iag.ir/article_133403_a8a7bde782ec4687b9b13031d043eb30.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222The policies of Russian Regionalism and the Eurasian Economic UnionThe policies of Russian Regionalism and the Eurasian Economic Union177201135376FAHadiVeicyAssociate Professor of Political Geography, Payame Noor University, Department of Human Geography, Payame Noor University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20210430Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other. Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other. https://journal.iag.ir/article_135376_070f2cf22636f3cb823b98de265f8891.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222China's Reaction to External Threats from the Perspective of Foreign Policy and International Politics TheoriesChina's Reaction to External Threats from the Perspective of Foreign Policy and International Politics Theories202225120770FAElhamRasooli SaniabadiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Yazd University,Yazd, Iran0000-0002-4136-1844Journal Article20200909China’s increasing power as one of the most important revisionist powers has received different reactions from its neighbors and the dominant powers of the international system. In fact, China as a rising and revisionist power challenges the regional and hegemonic order. In such a situation, the deterrent actions exerted by the United States, as a hegemon of international system, seems to be natural. The present research is an attempt to study China’s reactions to foreign threats from the perspective of theories of International Politics and Foreign Policy Analysis. The paper enjoys a descriptive-analytical design with the application of the theory on the case. The data collection was made through the study of existing literature and virtual data. The findings of this study show that China's reaction to existing or potential threats can carry very different interpretations and analytical results from the perspective of different theoretical perspectives.China’s increasing power as one of the most important revisionist powers has received different reactions from its neighbors and the dominant powers of the international system. In fact, China as a rising and revisionist power challenges the regional and hegemonic order. In such a situation, the deterrent actions exerted by the United States, as a hegemon of international system, seems to be natural. The present research is an attempt to study China’s reactions to foreign threats from the perspective of theories of International Politics and Foreign Policy Analysis. The paper enjoys a descriptive-analytical design with the application of the theory on the case. The data collection was made through the study of existing literature and virtual data. The findings of this study show that China's reaction to existing or potential threats can carry very different interpretations and analytical results from the perspective of different theoretical perspectives.https://journal.iag.ir/article_120770_48764404bcee081ba9377e41f5f4ece3.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222The Role of the Great Game in the Inefficiency of the Formality System of the Iranian Court from 1796 to 1896The Role of the Great Game in the Inefficiency of the Formality System of the Iranian Court from 1796 to 1896226249140819FASeyyed MasoudSeyyed BonakdarAssistant Professor, Department of History and Iranology, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, IranMahnazKamalvandMA, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, IranJournal Article20210906Historically, formalities and diplomatic protocols, as one of the pillars of successful international diplomacy, have played a crucial role in shaping the political currents of the time. This study examines and studies the role and effect of British-Russian rivalries regarding the inefficiency of the Iranian formality system, as well as analyzing the function of these formalities in the relations of this power triangle during the Qajar era, and by means of a historical method and a descriptive-analytical view which is based on documents, travelogues and historical resources of the Qajar era, it seeks to answer the questions of to what extent diplomatic rituals and ceremonies have been effective in the rivalry and emulation of Russian and British governments in Iran? What were the factors that led to the structural weakness of Iran's formalities and its becoming a buffer state in the great game between Russia and Britain? What role did the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors play in Iran's formality relations?<br />It seems that factors such as imitation and competition of the British and Russian ambassadors for Formalities respect caused the role of Formalities in Iran's relations with the Russian and British governments to be not positive and effective. Meanwhile, the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors, the establishment of Formality agreements and the negligence of the Iranian government were not ineffective in shaping formality actions and reactions between the governmentsHistorically, formalities and diplomatic protocols, as one of the pillars of successful international diplomacy, have played a crucial role in shaping the political currents of the time. This study examines and studies the role and effect of British-Russian rivalries regarding the inefficiency of the Iranian formality system, as well as analyzing the function of these formalities in the relations of this power triangle during the Qajar era, and by means of a historical method and a descriptive-analytical view which is based on documents, travelogues and historical resources of the Qajar era, it seeks to answer the questions of to what extent diplomatic rituals and ceremonies have been effective in the rivalry and emulation of Russian and British governments in Iran? What were the factors that led to the structural weakness of Iran's formalities and its becoming a buffer state in the great game between Russia and Britain? What role did the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors play in Iran's formality relations?<br />It seems that factors such as imitation and competition of the British and Russian ambassadors for Formalities respect caused the role of Formalities in Iran's relations with the Russian and British governments to be not positive and effective. Meanwhile, the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors, the establishment of Formality agreements and the negligence of the Iranian government were not ineffective in shaping formality actions and reactions between the governmentshttps://journal.iag.ir/article_140819_ce7dcf63890e8205c45ef2aecf527090.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222The Architecture of Peace in the Middle EastThe Architecture of Peace in the Middle East250267137368FASeyed HamzehSafaviAssistant Professor of Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-4714-1340Journal Article20210525The Middle East and North Africa regions have been the focus of security crises since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Although insecurity has not been restricted in this region, its effects are evident in other regions of the international system, especially in the European countries. With this in mind, the main question of the present article is how can a comprehensive model be presented to fundamentally resolve the security issue in the region. The result of this study is that "regional awareness" is a concept on the basis of which one can find a way out of the existing security impasse. In fact, the results are based on the fact that native solutions to the security of the country, instead of rental security, bring peace and security to the region. In this regard, governments, intellectuals, and people must engage in regional negotiations to fulfill their national interests.The Middle East and North Africa regions have been the focus of security crises since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Although insecurity has not been restricted in this region, its effects are evident in other regions of the international system, especially in the European countries. With this in mind, the main question of the present article is how can a comprehensive model be presented to fundamentally resolve the security issue in the region. The result of this study is that "regional awareness" is a concept on the basis of which one can find a way out of the existing security impasse. In fact, the results are based on the fact that native solutions to the security of the country, instead of rental security, bring peace and security to the region. In this regard, governments, intellectuals, and people must engage in regional negotiations to fulfill their national interests.https://journal.iag.ir/article_137368_e13325b88ab66c0c9143b5990bc941b8.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222How can Geopolitical Agents Restrain an Emerging Power’s Global and Regional Leadership? Evidence from BrazilHow can Geopolitical Agents Restrain an Emerging Power’s Global and Regional Leadership? Evidence from Brazil268298141464FANunoMorgadoAssistant Professor, Institute of International, Political, and Regional Studies, Corvinus University of Budapest and Adjunct Professor, Institute of Political Studies, Charles University, Prague.Journal Article20210429The investigation of the content and circumstances of domestic influences on foreign policy outcomes constitutes part of the challenge of conceptualization in foreign policy analyses. This paper contributes to that research agenda, aiming to isolate and to analyze the crucial causal forces of Brazil’s international power projection (or lack thereof). To achieve these objectives, the paper uses the model of neoclassical geopolitics, emphasizing geopolitical agents’ perceptions and capacities as pivotal domestic variables, and undertakes an empirical test on a single case study of Brazilian geopolitical design (2003-2018). The paper adopts a qualitative phenomenological approach, operationalized by techniques of process tracing and discourse analysis. Results show that the deterioration of Brazil’s relative potential and the lack of improvement of Brazil’s position in foreign affairs are most likely explained by (a) geopolitical agents’ choices, which have made (b) South American integration a top priority with respect to Brazil’s geopolitical designThe investigation of the content and circumstances of domestic influences on foreign policy outcomes constitutes part of the challenge of conceptualization in foreign policy analyses. This paper contributes to that research agenda, aiming to isolate and to analyze the crucial causal forces of Brazil’s international power projection (or lack thereof). To achieve these objectives, the paper uses the model of neoclassical geopolitics, emphasizing geopolitical agents’ perceptions and capacities as pivotal domestic variables, and undertakes an empirical test on a single case study of Brazilian geopolitical design (2003-2018). The paper adopts a qualitative phenomenological approach, operationalized by techniques of process tracing and discourse analysis. Results show that the deterioration of Brazil’s relative potential and the lack of improvement of Brazil’s position in foreign affairs are most likely explained by (a) geopolitical agents’ choices, which have made (b) South American integration a top priority with respect to Brazil’s geopolitical designhttps://journal.iag.ir/article_141464_c98427963b0464b185c011b0d516656d.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Implications of US-Saudi Arms Deal for Middle East Strategic LandscapeImplications of US-Saudi Arms Deal for Middle East Strategic Landscape299313145523FAQurat-ul-AinShabbirPh.D. Scholar, Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Quaid-I-Azam University Islamabad, PakistanNazakatAli KhanAssistant Professor, Institute of Kashmir Studies, University of Azad J&K Muzaffarabad, PakistanGauravBhattaraiPh.D. Scholar, Faculty at Department of International Relations and Diplomacy (DIRD) Tribhuvan, Nepal.Journal Article20200505Over decades, the United States (U.S.) and Saudi Arabia are key strategic partner. Of late a series of letters of intent has been exchanged between the two countries for the arms deal totalling approximately $ 110 billion immediately, and $ 350 billion. This arms deal, is a move to combat and contest the influence of Iran in the region. The relationship between Iran and the allies of the United States waned, after the U.S. pressurised the countries to discontinue trading oil with Iran. It is anticipated that it could trigger an arm race in the region, and likely to escalate the tensions. Owing to the same, this paper aims to assesses the significance of the arms deal between the US and Saudi Arabia, and, moreover, its implications for Middle East strategic landscape. Concurrently, this paper discusses the U.S. President Trump’s vision to links the economic security with national security in detail. On the backdrop of Saudi Arabia foreign policy goals, the paper also analyses the responses of IranOver decades, the United States (U.S.) and Saudi Arabia are key strategic partner. Of late a series of letters of intent has been exchanged between the two countries for the arms deal totalling approximately $ 110 billion immediately, and $ 350 billion. This arms deal, is a move to combat and contest the influence of Iran in the region. The relationship between Iran and the allies of the United States waned, after the U.S. pressurised the countries to discontinue trading oil with Iran. It is anticipated that it could trigger an arm race in the region, and likely to escalate the tensions. Owing to the same, this paper aims to assesses the significance of the arms deal between the US and Saudi Arabia, and, moreover, its implications for Middle East strategic landscape. Concurrently, this paper discusses the U.S. President Trump’s vision to links the economic security with national security in detail. On the backdrop of Saudi Arabia foreign policy goals, the paper also analyses the responses of Iranhttps://journal.iag.ir/article_145523_225d74080ccb7db88f8d7640f0e44961.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Conceptualization of Geo-security as an Interdisciplinary Approach (Case Study: Neighboring Countries of Iran)Conceptualization of Geo-security as an Interdisciplinary Approach (Case Study: Neighboring Countries of Iran)314338118136FADavoudGharayagh ZandiAssistant Professor in Political Science Faculty of Economic and Political Science Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-4778-4805Journal Article20200520As an academic field in the study of politics through geographic and naturalistic approaches, geopolitics gives various explanations to political phenomena. In addition, security studies are a new sub-branch of international relations that deals with security issues.<br />Geo-security is a new interdisciplinary field of study that deals with the security of geographic relations between countries. It is a sub-concept of geopolitics. In an attempt to analyze geo-security, you can see that it consists of three main concepts: territoriality, conflict, and scarcity. Borrowed from geopolitics, social science, and economics, these concepts emphasize continuum relations of nation-states from war to peaceful settlements. Conceptualization of geo-security necessarily needs to claim that it can make a new understanding of relations among nations. The present research aims to analyze Iran’s foreign policy towards its neighboring countries. The findings not only show all the main issues about Iran’s relations with its neighbors, but also help to manage these relations and make a shift from a conflictual approach to a cooperative oneAs an academic field in the study of politics through geographic and naturalistic approaches, geopolitics gives various explanations to political phenomena. In addition, security studies are a new sub-branch of international relations that deals with security issues.<br />Geo-security is a new interdisciplinary field of study that deals with the security of geographic relations between countries. It is a sub-concept of geopolitics. In an attempt to analyze geo-security, you can see that it consists of three main concepts: territoriality, conflict, and scarcity. Borrowed from geopolitics, social science, and economics, these concepts emphasize continuum relations of nation-states from war to peaceful settlements. Conceptualization of geo-security necessarily needs to claim that it can make a new understanding of relations among nations. The present research aims to analyze Iran’s foreign policy towards its neighboring countries. The findings not only show all the main issues about Iran’s relations with its neighbors, but also help to manage these relations and make a shift from a conflictual approach to a cooperative one.https://journal.iag.ir/article_118136_f49967eded70770fa6fb16cecdecd04e.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222The Politics of Conflicts: Iran, Iraq and The West (1980-2016) Western Impacts and SolutionsThe Politics of Conflicts: Iran, Iraq and The West (1980-2016) Western Impacts and Solutions339359145536FASaikou KawsuGassamaExecutive Director, Centre for Governance and Development (CeFGaD), GambiaMansourehEbrahimiT07, Academy of Islamic Civilization0000-0003-2086-524XKamaruzamanYusoffRetired Professor of History at Universiti Teknologi, MalaysiaJournal Article20210317In spite of ancient and serious disagreements, Iran and Iraq did not go to war until 1980. Why? What changed the equation? Three-plus decades later, Iran is still a main actor in Iraq’s internal affairs. What motivates this involvement? Our main objective is to explore the politics of the Iraq–Iran conflict and attending influence of Western powers from 1980 onwards. In this study, we analyse the history and causal factors in light of Western foreign policies, and seek grounds for bilateral rapprochement and note cooperation between Western powers, proposing that if the West can cooperate to achieve respective national interests, so can Iran and Iraq. Coherent policy landscaping characterizes national and international levels on looking at theoretical global governance, but academia has yet to pay attention to extant actors and institutions required to govern energy concerns. A classical realist approach reveals that Western Powers pursued and continue to pursue respective interests at all costs. How their several interventions have affected the Iran–Iraq conflict has thus far remained undisclosed.In spite of ancient and serious disagreements, Iran and Iraq did not go to war until 1980. Why? What changed the equation? Three-plus decades later, Iran is still a main actor in Iraq’s internal affairs. What motivates this involvement? Our main objective is to explore the politics of the Iraq–Iran conflict and attending influence of Western powers from 1980 onwards. In this study, we analyse the history and causal factors in light of Western foreign policies, and seek grounds for bilateral rapprochement and note cooperation between Western powers, proposing that if the West can cooperate to achieve respective national interests, so can Iran and Iraq. Coherent policy landscaping characterizes national and international levels on looking at theoretical global governance, but academia has yet to pay attention to extant actors and institutions required to govern energy concerns. A classical realist approach reveals that Western Powers pursued and continue to pursue respective interests at all costs. How their several interventions have affected the Iran–Iraq conflict has thus far remained undisclosedhttps://journal.iag.ir/article_145536_40e08c515b70897c4862ddddd532fed4.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222A Geopolitical Approach to the City; with Emphasis on the Central Elements of Power and CompetitionA Geopolitical Approach to the City; with Emphasis on the Central Elements of Power and Competition360382131469FAHasanKamran DastjerdiAssociate Professor of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.NarjessadatHosseiniPhd of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0000-0001-7427-5400Journal Article20210502Many scholars believe that the city is a social innovation whose size, location, and internal organization are in terms of "power"; And many changes in the structure and role-playing of the city are due to the mobility of "citizens". The shape and appearance of the city, like the country, represents the pressure from the bottom up. Therefore, urban space processes have very low effects on the whole of politics, especially political development<strong> </strong>Competitiveness is one of the important issues that has been emphasized in urban literature in recent years and in this regard, different perspectives on the determinants of competitiveness have been presented. As a geographical phenomenon, the city has an effective role in power games and constitutes the most important spatial level of stress, action and competition in the present age. The present fundamental research with descriptive-analytical method express the fact that the necessary fields for their geopolitical study have been provided by creating a competitive environment and promoting the domestic and international competitiveness level of metropolises. Hence, an urban-scale geopolitics has made cities important actors in different geographical areas. The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the effectiveness of the roles of a place and the geographical area with its "power". That is, as the roles have more extensive and in other words the broader function, the power of geographic location increases, like global cities. Indeed, the phenomenon of the city is studied and investigated in various dimensions, with emphasis on the central elements of politics, power and competition.Many scholars believe that the city is a social innovation whose size, location, and internal organization are in terms of "power"; And many changes in the structure and role-playing of the city are due to the mobility of "citizens". The shape and appearance of the city, like the country, represents the pressure from the bottom up. Therefore, urban space processes have very low effects on the whole of politics, especially political development<strong> </strong>Competitiveness is one of the important issues that has been emphasized in urban literature in recent years and in this regard, different perspectives on the determinants of competitiveness have been presented. As a geographical phenomenon, the city has an effective role in power games and constitutes the most important spatial level of stress, action and competition in the present age. The present fundamental research with descriptive-analytical method express the fact that the necessary fields for their geopolitical study have been provided by creating a competitive environment and promoting the domestic and international competitiveness level of metropolises. Hence, an urban-scale geopolitics has made cities important actors in different geographical areas. The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the effectiveness of the roles of a place and the geographical area with its "power". That is, as the roles have more extensive and in other words the broader function, the power of geographic location increases, like global cities. Indeed, the phenomenon of the city is studied and investigated in various dimensions, with emphasis on the central elements of politics, power and competition.https://journal.iag.ir/article_131469_90bb3d0dc2f0cd180d20f120b5b5601f.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222A New Approach to the Theory of Seapower in the 21st Century (In Times of War and Peace)A New Approach to the Theory of Seapower in the 21st Century (In Times of War and Peace)383411145524FARezaAllahverdizadehAssistant Professor in Political Geography, University of Maragheh, Maragheh, IranMahdiKarimiAssistant Professor, Asian Cultural Documentation Center, The Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran, IranJournal Article20210822The environment of seas has undergone geopolitical changes in recent decades, which has had a profound impact upon the nature of seapower. The aim of the current research is to expound on the new nature of seapower in the 21st century. It also takes an approach that is not limited to wartime and, given the postmodern era, encompasses peace and international rivalry, especially global trade. First, the concept of classic seapower is discussed in this paper and then using the meta-analysis method, the concept of seapower in the present century is discussed by adopting a new approach. Research findings indicate that the new nature of seapower is based on the military and non-military dimensions of seapower, the relative nature of seapower, the various roles of naval forces, the new naval threats, the diverse functions of the sea environment, the context of the international order, the strategic link between seapower and land power, air and space powers, and the humanitarian operations in the sea environment. In the early years of the 21st century, these considerations have persuaded states out of taking a purely national approach to seapower and sea policy-making, but to accept multilateral interactions and cooperation by taking a transnational approach.The environment of seas has undergone geopolitical changes in recent decades, which has had a profound impact upon the nature of seapower. The aim of the current research is to expound on the new nature of seapower in the 21st century. It also takes an approach that is not limited to wartime and, given the postmodern era, encompasses peace and international rivalry, especially global trade. First, the concept of classic seapower is discussed in this paper and then using the meta-analysis method, the concept of seapower in the present century is discussed by adopting a new approach. Research findings indicate that the new nature of seapower is based on the military and non-military dimensions of seapower, the relative nature of seapower, the various roles of naval forces, the new naval threats, the diverse functions of the sea environment, the context of the international order, the strategic link between seapower and land power, air and space powers, and the humanitarian operations in the sea environment. In the early years of the 21st century, these considerations have persuaded states out of taking a purely national approach to seapower and sea policy-making, but to accept multilateral interactions and cooperation by taking a transnational approach.https://journal.iag.ir/article_145524_0184e92e20d6d78c0103b5e167c26f34.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-433118420221222Sino-ASEAN Geopolitical Relations through International Student Mobility: Manifestations of Soft Power through EducationSino-ASEAN Geopolitical Relations through International Student Mobility: Manifestations of Soft Power through Education412429145525FAJoseph ChingVelascoAssociate Professorial Lecturer Department of Political Science and Development Studies, De La Salle University, Philippines0000-0002-7098-8216Journal Article20210305China has become a competitive player in the global higher education landscape with a growing number of Chinese universities being part of the global rankings. With the significant improvement in the quality of some Chinese universities, education as a soft power was deployed by China toward ASEAN countries. This strategy was particularly evident in PRC Ministry of Education’s appeal to Chinese universities to serve the nation’s diplomatic strategies. This paper puts into perspective Sino-ASEAN people-to-people exchange and institutional linkages in the aspect of education. Overall, the article examines the intersections of soft power, geopolitics, and student mobility as situated in the Sino-ASEAN context. Through secondary data analysis, the trend of student mobility from ASEAN countries to China was traced. The results reveal that the ASEAN student outflows to China have been gradually increasing. By strategically accepting more ASEAN students to Chinese universities, China assists in the development of ASEAN’s human resources and continues to be perceived as a partner in the region’s developmentChina has become a competitive player in the global higher education landscape with a growing number of Chinese universities being part of the global rankings. With the significant improvement in the quality of some Chinese universities, education as a soft power was deployed by China toward ASEAN countries. This strategy was particularly evident in PRC Ministry of Education’s appeal to Chinese universities to serve the nation’s diplomatic strategies. This paper puts into perspective Sino-ASEAN people-to-people exchange and institutional linkages in the aspect of education. Overall, the article examines the intersections of soft power, geopolitics, and student mobility as situated in the Sino-ASEAN context. Through secondary data analysis, the trend of student mobility from ASEAN countries to China was traced. The results reveal that the ASEAN student outflows to China have been gradually increasing. By strategically accepting more ASEAN students to Chinese universities, China assists in the development of ASEAN’s human resources and continues to be perceived as a partner in the region’s development.https://journal.iag.ir/article_145525_2b32df9b2c5dd4da49b2bcd7b8975d49.pdf