انجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923The Effect of Sanction Policy on Iran Nuclear Talksتأثیر سیاست تحریم بر مذاکرات هستهای ایران13255820FAعباس مصلینژاداستاد علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20150302Introduction <br />Dealing with economic sanctions of the United States and the European Union is considered one of the strategic necessities in the foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran. Developments in international policies show that revolutionary countries and actors in the interactions of international policies are faced with economic and strategic constraints. Sanction policy should be considered among the limited, gradual and stepwise mechanisms of dealing with radical countries in the global system. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />With a descriptive-analytical method and in the structure-agency model framework, this study intended to find what the fundamental mechanisms of strategic sanctions of the United States and the European Union are against Islamic Republic of Iran and in what process they form. <br /> <br />Findings <br />The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes: <br /><strong>1. Sanction policy and the strategic process of limiting Iran</strong> <br />The existing realities of international policies indicate that the United States prefers to use tactical models, stage method and strategic processes of persuasion. <br /><strong>2. The role of international economic institutions in coercive diplomacy and sanction policy against Iran </strong> <br />Economic sanctions against Iran are not possible without the contribution of international economic institutions. Countries that are exposed to sanctions are faced with various limiting mechanisms by the international economic institutions. <br /><strong>3. Geopolitical domination and the strategic process of limiting Iran in sanction policy</strong> <br />The strategic process of limiting and economic sanctions against Iran by the United States and other western countries are done based on ideological, security and strategic necessities of the West-oriented global system. <br /><strong>4. The effect of sanction policy on the economic structure and strategic model of Iran</strong> <br />Economic sanctions are considered among the coercive diplomacy tools in international policies. Economic sanctions are generally organized and applied against developing countries. Western industrial countries know that the economic dependence of developing countries increase compared to the post-industrial countries in the renewal process. <br /><strong>5. Strategic multilateralism in the process of sanction policy and nuclear diplomacy </strong> <br />Competition among the international companies in the capitalism is considered one of the strategic and economic realities. This shows that any development in the international policies might face the reaction of a wide range of actors. Think tanks in the United States try to assess the effect of sanctions on the international political economy and processes of strategic action of actors. Ten executive orders of Barack Obama with regard to economic sanctions against Iran have been observed since 210. <br /> <br />Analysis <br />Economic and strategic sanctions of the United States against Islamic Republic of Iran increased gradually since 1979. The most severe sanctions were related to 2011 entitled "crippling sanctions". Crippling sanctions targeted the financial system of Islamic Republic of Iran and thus applied various limitations against the economic structure of Iran. Restrictions for the sale of oil and also receiving financial resources of economic exchange are considered among the signs of economic sanctions against Iran. The process of talks shows that the United States is not much willing to increase economic benefits of Iran. Increase in oil export along with the decrease in oil price leads to almost identical income for Iran in the world economy. <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The results showed that the model of strategic action of the United States of America in the coercive diplomacy and sanction policy focus on the encouragement of other actors to apply more sanctions and economic pressures against Iran for greater flexibility which can be seen in the Iranian nuclear diplomacy especially in the "Joint Action Plan" framework. The process of transition from the crises caused by economic sanctions has a political nature. Thus, it is necessary to use political mechanisms for dealing with the aggressive policy and limiting models of Iran economic and strategic structure in the global system. <br /> <br /> مقابله با تحریمهای اقتصادی آمریکا و اتحادیة اروپا بهعنوان یکی از ضرورتهای راهبردی در سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران محسوب میشود. بررسی تحولات سیاست بینالملل نشان میدهد که کشورهای انقلابی و بازیگرانی که در شرایط کنش متقابل در سیاست بینالملل قرار دارند، با محدودیتهای اقتصادی و راهبردی روبهرو میشوند. سیاست تحریم را باید در زمرة سازوکارهای مقابلة محدود، تدریجی و مرحلهای مقابله با کشورهای چالشگر در نظام جهانی دانست. تحریمهای اقتصادی و راهبردی آمریکا علیه ج.ا.ایران از سال 1979 مرحله به مرحله افزایش یافته است. شدیدترین تحریمها مربوط به سال 2011 میباشد که در قالب «تحریمهای فلجکننده» نامگذاری شده است. تحریمهای فلجکننده معطوف به هدفگیری سیستم مالی جمهوری اسلامی ایران بوده و به این ترتیب محدودیتهای متنوعی را علیه ساختار اقتصادی ایران اعمال کرده است. محدودیت برای فروش نفت به سایر کشورها و همچنین محدودیت برای دریافت منابع مالی ناشی از مبادلات اقتصادی را باید در زمرة نشانههای مربوط به تحریم اقتصادی ایران دانست. روند مذاکرات نشان میدهد که ایالات متحده تمایل چندانی برای افزایش درآمدهای اقتصادی ایران ندارد. افزایش صادرات نفت بهموازات کاهش قیمت نفت، منجر به درآمدهای نسبتاً یکسانی برای ایران در اقتصاد جهانی گردیده است. مقاله حاضر با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و در چارچوب مدل ساختار – کارگزار در پی پاسخگویی به این سوال است که سازوکارهای اساسی تحریمهای راهبردی آمریکا و جهان غرب علیه جمهوری اسلامی ایران کدام است و در چه فرایندی شکل میگیرد؟ نتایج نشان میدهد که الگوی کنش راهبردی ایالات متحده در روند دیپلماسی اجبار و سیاست تحریم ایران معطوف به تشویق سایر بازیگران به اعمال تحریم و فشار اقتصادی بیشتر علیه ایران در راستای انعطافپذیری بیشتری بوده است که میتوان آن را در روند دیپلماسی هستهای ایران بویژه در چارچوب «طرح اقدام مشترک» مشاهده نمود. روند گذار از بحرانهای ناشی از تحریم اقتصادی ماهیت سیاسی دارد. بنابراین لازم است تا از سازوکارهای سیاسی برای مقابله با سیاست تهاجمی و الگوهای محدودکنندة ساختار اقتصادی و راهبردی ایران در نظام جهانی استفاده شود.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_55820_373beedd21222d3be467d3809a9fb49c.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923Investigation of the Sustainable Political Development; Case Study: Iranتبیین توسعه پایدار سیاسی؛ مطالعه موردی: ایران335855821FAمحمد اخباریدانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزاحمد غمپروردانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمیاحمد بزلهدانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمیJournal Article20141102Introduction <br />Iran has been a multinational society that different ethnics live together peacefully. By promotion of nationalism in Safavid era living peacefully together diminished. Interestingly the policy that originates from view point of the ancient Iran utopia was in contrast with the period requirements. Unsustainable patterns such as discrimination, compulsory decampment, combination, etc. were the conditions that Middle East and Iran ethnicities had experienced. These conditions lead to a situation to take every issue as a conjecture that means to take every subject from political view and connect it to peoples’ lives. So political system, country divisions, election, taking part in election, social and economic domains led to being worry that determines the political future of the country and eventually the strength and weakness of social sources as one of the important sources would be determined by taking part and unity of the different classes of the society. A structure that aims at sustainable political development as the essence of its policy and tries to ensure its people in the territorial frame would lead to replacement of conjectures and the unity and living together of different ethnics. It also concentrate on the abilities that lead to the benefits and reach at the goals of the different ethnics instead of paying attention to issues that has no benefits. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />The research is descriptive- analytic in terms of nature and method. Data gathering procedure is based on library finding. Data analysis and conclusion will be done using qualitative method. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Sustainable political development means complex issues that prevent forming a unified political structure especially in heterogeneous geographical units, would lead to the extraction of structure forces and use of them in erroneous way. If these conditions are managed properly, it would lead to the progress that has added-value. Sustainable political development means these issues would be solved in a way that firstly lead to the progress of everyone and secondly set free the spiritual and material abilities of the structure in a way that provide next generations with welfare. Such a situation is not unusual in Western world and also it is connected with political management. Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, and other countries are successful in this relation, but Middle East nations are example of intolerance in nationalism and nation-state era in the past 150 years, that contradicts with the history of these nations and it is one of the fundamental causes that led to the underdevelopment of these nations, and Iran has engaged in this interior and external battle. Iran had a great history in having sustainable political development, a situation that lasted until Safavid Emperor. Rising of jingoism in Iran led to the absence of sustainable political development and also caused fundamental troubles. <br /> <br /> <br /> ایران بهعنوان یک ساختار متکثّر و نامتوازن، تاریخ پرفراز و نشیبی را از زیست تنوعات در کنار هم بهخود دیده است. دوره قبل از اسلام نمونه موفقیتآمیزی از همزیستی بود، اما از صفویه به بعد و بویژه با رشد ملیگرایی تجربه زیست فوق کنار گذاشته شد. جالبتر آنکه سیاست متأثر از این اندیشه (ملیگرایی) در پی دستیابی به اتوپیای خود یعنی ایران باستان بود، غافل از آنکه شالوده اصلی اقتدار ایران باستان در عاملی (تکثرگرایی) بود که ایرانیان ملیگرا آنرا بهمثابه نقطه ضعف اساسی خود در این راه تعریف کرده بودند. قالبهای ناپایدار همچون تبعیض، کوچ اجباری و تبعید، به یک رنگ درآوری و... وضعیتهایی بودند که در این دوره، تنوعات خاورمیانه و ایران آنرا تجربه کردند. شرایطی که باعث شد که به هر مسألهای با دید گمان بنگرند و این در حقیقت بهمعنای سیاسی شدن هر موضوعی بود که به زندگی تنوعات ارتباط پیدا میکرد. از این روست که نوع سیستم سیاسی، تقسیمات کشوری، انتخابات و مشارکت و حوزههای اجتماعی و اقتصادی به موضوعات چالشزایی تبدبل میشوند که حال و آینده سیاسی ساختار و شدت و ضعف سرمایه اجتماعی را بهعنوان یکی از مهمترین سرمایهها در همبستگی و مشارکت تعیین خواهند کرد. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد اسنادی و روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی ضمن اشاره به مباحث توسعه پایدار، با تأکید بر موضوعات مهم (نوع سیستم سیاسی، تقسیمات کشوری، انتخابات و مشارکت و حوزههای اجتماعی و اقتصادی) در پی تبیین توسعه پایدار سیاسی از منظر جغرافیای سیاسی با تأکید بر ایران است.<br /> .https://journal.iag.ir/article_55821_fb15000859d4b80db80793ac0c7fa056.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923Scientific and Technological Development and its Impact on the Rising of Regional Power
(Comparative Study: I.R. Iran and India)توسعه علمی و فناوری در کشور و تأثیر آن بر افزایش قدرت منطقهای ؛ مطالعه تطبیقی جمهوری اسلامی ایران و هند)598355822FAعبدالرضا فرجیراددانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم و تحقیقاتمسعود عبدیکارشناس ارشد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم و تحقیقاتJournal Article20141201Introduction <br />In the twentieth century, various factors can play a role in the empowerment of some countries at the global arena. It is of prominent importance to discover these factors and assess their relative significance. One of these factors which have distanced these empowered countries from the rest of the world is definitely that of technology impacting different military, economical, social and political fields. This research investigates the impact of scientific and technological developments on economy hence empowering those countries. <br /> <br /> <br />Research Methodology <br />The research methodology adopted is descriptive - analytic and the data - gathering procedure is based on library finding,International websites reviews and interviewing elites. <br /> <br />Results and discussion <br />The analysis of the compiled information indicated that in spite of its massive poor population, time wasting bureaucracy, administrative corruption and likewise problems, India has been able to achieve a notable employment and wealth taking advantage of effective management in the two sectors of “Information & communication technology” and “Biotechnology”. Presently, this country is reputed as a emerging power in the global arena. In comparison the organizations in charge of economic and industrial affairs have not been able to fully enjoy the economy based on innovation and technology despite the entire affluent infrastructure in the country. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The economy based on technology and innovation holds various advantages like establishing job opportunities for the high educated and preserving them inside the country, attaining revenues, improvement and surpass of economy, development and growth of science and ultimately rising national power in the country which will result in raising the country power in the region and even the world. Accordingly, India can produce a good example for Iran to obtain this target. <br /> <br /> در قرن بیستم، عوامل گوناگونی در شکلگیری قدرتهای جدید جهانی نقش داشتهاند که شناخت این عوامل و بررسی چگونگی اثرگذاری آنها بسیار با اهمیت است. بهطور قطع، یکی از این عوامل قدرتزا فناوری میباشد که با تأثیرگذاری بر حوزههای مختلف نظامی، اقتصادی، اجتماعی و سیاسی موجب افزایش قدرت ملی و فاصلهگیری چند کشور از بقیه شده است. قدرت ملی در هر کشوری جایگاه آن را در سلسله مراتب قدرت جهانی یا ساختار ژئوپلیتیکی جهانی تعیین میکند که امروزه، ارتباط مستقیمی با درک مفاهیم اقتصاد ملی دارد. تأثیر مثبت و اساسی فعالیت در زمینههای اقتصادی بر رشد و توسعه قدرت ملی را میتوان در بازسازی و برتری کشورهای شکستخورده آلمان و ژاپن بهدلیل بهرهمندی از اقتصاد و فناوری و متقابلاً بهرهمندی کمتر روسیه در صحنه جهانی با وجود دارا بودن قدرت نظامی مشاهده کرد.پژوهش حاضر بهدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که علم و فناوری چگونه میتواند در تعامل با اقتصاد، موجب ارتقاء جایگاه منطقهای و جهانی کشور شود. به همین جهت روش توصیفی – تحلیلی بهعنوان روش تحقیق انتخاب شده و از چارچوب نظری «نظام ملی نوآوری» استفاده گردید، گردآوری اطلاعات مورد نیاز نیز به روش کتابخانهای و میدانی صورت گرفته است. برای مطالعه تطبیقی نیز کشور هند انتخاب گردید. یافتهها نشان داد که در کشورمان علیرغم وجود زیرساختهای لازم، نیروی انسانی کارآمد و تأکید و برنامهریزی در سطح ملی در حوزه فناوری اطلاعات و ارتباطات و همچنین فناوری زیستی، این دو بخش فناوری، تأثیر قابل توجهی در اقتصاد ملی نداشتهاند در حالیکه در هند، علیرغم جمعیت فقیر زیاد، بوروکراسی پیچیده، فساد اداری و مشکلاتی از این دست، با مدیریت مؤثر دو بخش فناوری اطلاعات و ارتباطات و زیست فناوری، اقتصاد ملی قدرتمندی شکل گرفته و اشتغال و ثروت قابل توجهی تولید شده است. اقتصاد مبتنی بر فناوری در کنار سایر مؤلفههای قدرت همچون جمعیت، سرزمین پهناور و تسلیحات استراتژیک نظامی موجب ارتقاء جایگاه جهانی هند تا سطح قدرتهای نوظهور شده است.<br /> .https://journal.iag.ir/article_55822_bd55dd1d407801ec23ec53d7a9b2077d.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923Investigation of the Effect of Tribalism on Voting Pattern; Case Study: Nourabad Mamasani Townshipبررسی تأثیر طایفهگرایی بـر الگوی رأیدهی؛ مطالعة موردی: شهرستان نورآباد ممسنی8411655823FAابراهیم رومینااستادیار جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسوحید صادقیکارشناس ارشد جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20150322Introduction <br />Place is the focus of geography, and the identity is the manifestation of culture in place. Geographical spaces and places whether based on ecological relations or other factors are interested of people that have been born or live there as their habitat. The human is interested in his hometown and where he lived in it for a while and has a sense of belonging and makes a kind of mental relation. Belonging to place creates interests in human that because of it, deep emotional and psychological connections is established between people. The person becomes dependent on location so that goes behind of worldly relations and establishes an emotional relation with it, the place become precious and sacred for him. Finding emotional weight by space and place, mental and emotional attachments between humans and their hometown, make a political value for space. Patriotism, love of country and motherland make a defense motivation and readiness in human to fight the invaders and sacrifice for country. In the meantime, political geography researches are looking for finding emotional attachments and bonds between people and the places in which they live. These places create a part of people identity that, sometimes, is considered as their reaction basis. Available information indicates that, in some areas because of the mountainous terrain, the dominant lifestyle is nomadic. The social structure aroused from this lifestyle has a spatial and tribal identity. These properties are most common in western and south provinces of country and are hidden underlying layers of civil society. Nourabad Mamasani is one of Fars province townships that have been affected by relations of tribal life. In terms of these relationships, the pattern of political culture in this township has a spatial tribe-oriented function. So that, tribal tendencies is an effective and important factor in voting pattern of this town candidates. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />This research investigates the relation between two variables: tribalism and voting pattern as independent and dependent variables, respectively. Mamasani Township is one of areas that affected by tribal- spatial election behavior. In this area, all of things, such as political affairs and social systems take their legitimacy from clan factor. The clan acts as substructure of cultural subjects and social institution. Originality is always with clan and one is integrated in whole clan. So that, since the Islamic Revolution to the present day, holding nine periods of Islamic consultancy election, statistics and information indicate that, tribal- spatial tendencies overcome other factors in voting pattern of Mamasani constituency candidates. Descriptive- analytical method was used to assess and test the research theory. Here, the data gathering methods are based on library (Books, papers, magazines, documents, publications, statistics, and maps) and fieldwork (Interviews, observation and imaging). <br /> <br /> <br />Result and Discussion <br />The first and second Islamic consultancy election in Mamasani Township had its own especial conditions due to the revolutionary atmosphere of the community. In this period, Samad Shojaiian, from Javid clan, because of his education level and revolutionary- cultural feature, could own the parliament seat. Election base of Shojaiian has been from various geographical origins, so that, he has earned enough votes even in areas that has not been his hometown (Gachgaran). So, because of the particular circumstances of country and people familiarity with especial revolutionary figures, the tendency of maximum vote, in second period, to Samad Shojaiian was predictable. In third period of Islamic consultancy election in Mamasani constituency, Abdorrasoul Mousavi, from Bekosh clan won. Given that Mousavi has been candidate in two previous periods and could not able to demonstrate a well-known figure of himself, so, entered to election with enough experience and political history and could earn enough votes as compared to other competitors and won, not only in his hometown but also in Mahour Milati (Turkish district), by accomplishing local influential from various clans. A remarkable point of this period is that, a priest, for the first time gets maximum votes in Mamasani constituency. Forth period of Islamic consultancy election was held under especial economic conditions and affected by economic development and improved living conditions. In this period, a candidate from Mamasani constituency (Reza Qholi Allahyari) entered to parliament that, largely, was in line with the dominant discourse on society. Allahyari, in this period, earned maximum votes not only in his hometown but also in other geographical constituencies: Doshman Ziary and Mahour Milati. So we can say, although all of candidates earned maximum votes in their geographical constituency (hometown and clan) during these four elections, but election data and statistics indicate that candidates have earned enough votes in other geographical constituency (clans). So, it can be concluded that clan- oriented and home- oriented subjects had a little effect on voter's pattern of four periods. In other words, although during these four periods the tribal tendencies and neighborhood were important not significant. <br />In fifth period of parliament elections, people participation increased by 18 percent compared to the previous periods because of the different factions and tendencies, and consequently their intense competition. In this period, also, attending candidates with different clans and geographical origins and intellectual- doctrinal tendencies led to making boundaries and social separate switching in Mamasani constituency. This social separate switching found a spatial- place aspect and we saw coalitions that while made gaps into convergence group (clan), subsequently made it for other groups, so that common voting pattern was formed between coalitions (different geographical constituencies). Such bordering and spatial- identity social separate switching had a significant effect on voting quality. In general it can be said that in five periods of election at Mamasani constituency up to now, this was the only election that the clan- orientation and home- orientation phenomena had an effective role in orienting and meaning voters choices. Therefore it can be said that the given to votes earned by Fariborz Ansari in his hometown, spatial- tribal tendencies have been effective and decisive on his voting patterns. Sixth period of Islamic consultancy election was held under conditions that deal with political development in indoor affairs and détente in foreign political affairs. In this period, candidates from Mamasani constituency (Seyed Ebrahim Amini) entered to parliament that his slogan was supporting Khordad 2nd Front. Although in this period Amini was supporting Reforms Front, but statistics and information indicate that the supporter of his votes is the fundamental broker of tribal tendencies and family relations and has not ever been related to partial- political issues. It can be said that the elections in this period were affected by tribal and spatial tendencies. Amini's votes from his hometown establish that the decisive factor is clan- orientation. Seventh parliament election was held under conditions that reformers were dominant in consultancy. In this period that was coincided with second period of reforms governments, naturally, candidates were lucky that aroused from this front, but some reasons decreased the fortuity in both the government and the public stage. Disapproving Bekosh clan candidate and multiplicity of Rostam clan candidates, the condition was prepared for creating and spreading the influence scope and voting base of Javid clan candidate (Ali Ahmadi). This caused that the Javid clan won the election by solidarity. The distribution type of Ali Ahmadi's votes show that the concentration of votes has been where he lived there. This implies that the clan- orientation has been decisive on Ali Ahmadi's voting pattern. In eighth period, Abdorreza Moradi, who attended in previous period, was not considered well- known and famous person, but he attended with high political experience and could earn maximum votes in four district: central, Rostam, Doshman Ziary and Mahour Milati, and be a director for citizens benefit and approaches in the candidate role. In this period, although Mordi caught maximum votes in mentioned four districts, but he could not earn enough votes from Javid clan constituency boxes that have a high geopolitical level. Therefore, it can be said that tribal tendencies have had an important role in Moradi's voting bases. Ninth period of Islamic consultancy election in Mamasani constituency had its own especial properties. In this period, two important and well- known candidates from Bekosh and Javid clans that had dignity and social acceptance were rejected. Bekosh and Javid clans people despite of having no willing to vote candidates aroused from their hometown (Nozar Shafii and Said Qaedi), because of their tribal bias did not want to vote other candidates. Nozar Shafii's votes in hometown establish that the decisive factor has been the tribal tendencies. So, according to library and field findings tribal tendencies had a little effect on voting patterns for three candidates, but had a significant effect on candidates voting pattern of fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth period. So that, tribalism subject is considered as a safe supportive base for them. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Tribalism is a sense of intrinsic motivation in individuals living in special geographical space that prefers the values related to perception of space and habitats to values beyond space or related to other spaces, and supervises on residents of a settlement area, like each other, generally, vote to a person or a process that sense similarity with them, based on their social, economic and cultural features. This research question is “do the tribal- spatial tendencies have affected on candidates voting pattern of Islamic consultancy election nine periods at Mamasani constituency?” For this purpose, the paper selected statistics for nine periods of Islamic consultancy election, and in order to better explain has analyzed the data and made maps by using EXCEL and GIS programs based on a descriptive- analytic method. Results shows that the tribal- spatial tendencies had a little effect on three candidates voting pattern, but had a significant effect on candidates voting pattern of fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth period. So that, tribalism subject is considered as a safe supportive base for them. <br /> <br /> طایفـه گرایـی، نوعی احساس و انگیزه درونی در افراد ساکن در مکان و فضای جغرافیایی خاص است که ارزش های مرتبط با نحوه ادراک از مکان و محل زیست را بر ارزشهای فراتر از محل یا مرتبط با محل های دیگر ترجیح می دهند و ناظر بر این است که، ساکنان یک محدوده سکونتگاهی عموماً همانند یکدیگر بر بنیاد ویژگی و شناسه های اجتماعی، اقتصادی و فرهنگیشان، به فرد و یا جریانی که با آنان احساس همانندی مینمایند، رأی می دهند. پژوهش حاضر بهدنبال بررسی این مسئله است آیا گرایشهای طایفهای ـ مکانی بر الگوی رأی نمایندگان نه دوره انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی در حوزه انتخابیه ممسنی اثرگذار بوده است؟ بدین منظور مقاله حاضر آمارهای نه دوره انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی را انتخاب نموده و بر اساس روش تحقیقِ توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و برای تبیین بهتر موضوع با استفاده از نرم افزارهای GIS و Excel به تحلیل داده و نقشه های محقق ساخته پرداخته است. نتایج پژوهش نشان داد گرایش های طایفه ای ـ مکانی در الگوی رأی سه نماینده از نه نماینده، یعنی صمدشجاعیان، عبدالرسول موسوی و رضاقلی الهیاری تأثیر کمی داشته است، اما در الگوی رأی نماینده های دور پنجم، ششم، هفتم، هشتم و نهم (فریبرز انصاری، سید ابراهیم امینی، علی احمدی، عبدالرضا مرادی، نوذر شفیعی) تأثیر چشمگیری داشته است. به طوری که مقوله طایفه گرایی پایگاه حمایتی اطمینان بخشی برای ایشان بهشمار می رود.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_55823_7d8ec3b7602bbd4e04d5268197d86d7f.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923Modeling and Analysis of the Russia and Europe Competition on Energy, Based on the Game Theoryمدلسازی و تحلیل استراتژیک نبرد انرژی بین روسیه و اروپا بر اساس نظریه بازیها11713855824FAمسعود خرمیکارشناس ارشد مدیریت سیستم و بهره وری، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسمجید شیخمحمدیاستادیار مهندسی صنایع، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20150614Introduction <br />Energy is one of the most important issues of the 21th century, and natural gas is of considerable significance, because of its characteristics, especially those involved in its transmission methods. Thus, concepts such as energy security, energy producers and consumers, gas lines and their security have gained a high attraction in the geopolitical discourse on energy. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />Generally, the game theory is an appropriate tool for modeling and analysis of strategic situations in which a player’s decision depends on other players’ strategies. The Graph Model for Conflict Resolution (GMCR) is an extension on non-cooperative games with non-quantitative approach. GMCR has several advantages that make it an effective tool for modeling and analysis of complex real world conflicts. General steps in formal methodology of GMCR include modeling and analysis. The analysis is based on equilibrium which is a critical concept in the game theory. Equilibrium is a state in which there is no incentive for players to move away from that state. Equilibrium might be found based on different solution concepts.The Graph Model for Conflict Resolution has been utilized in this research to investigate the gas conflict between Russia and the European Union and to predict its outcomes. Besides of Russia and the European Union, transit countries have been considered as the third player since gas pipe lines are located in these countries. The research method carried out in this research is descriptive and analytical. <br /> <br />Results Conclusion <br />Among 112 feasible states of the conflict studied in this research, two states are predicted as the most likely outcomes. The analysis of the model shows that LNG has a significant role to play in the energy security of Europe, and in case of increased demands for natural gas in European Union, the construction of Trans-Sahara pipeline gas line is not farfetched. Moreover, the continuation of provision of gas in transit lines is very important for Russia and the construction of the South stream pipeline deems necessary to solve this problem. Results of the model imply that Iran must invest for LNG production in near future. <br /> <br /> از میان 112 وضعیت ممکن در این مناقشه، دو حالت بهعنوان محتملترین پیامدها پیشبینی میشوند. تجزیه و تحلیل مدل نشان می دهد که ال ان جی (گاز طیبعی مایع) نقش بسیار زیادی در امنیت انرژی اروپا خواهد داشت و در صورت نیاز بیشتر به گاز طبیعی در اتحادیه اروپا، ساخت خط لوله صحرا در آفریقا نیز دور از انتظار نخواهد بود. همچنین تداوم عرضه گاز در مسیرهای ترانزیتی برای روسیه از اهمیت چشمگیری برخوردار است و ساخت خط لوله جریان جنوبی برای رفع این معضل لازم بهنظر می رسد. نتایج مدل گویای این امر است که ایران باید بیش از پیش بر روی تولید الانجی سرمایهگذاری کند.انرژی یکی از مهمترین مسائل جهانی در قرن بیست و یکم است و گاز طبیعی به خاطر دارا بودن خصوصیات منحصر بهفرد، بویژه در نحوه و مسیر انتقال آن، از اهمیت زیادی برخوردار است. از اینرو مفاهیمی چون امنیت انرژی، تولیدکنندگان و مصرف کنندگان انرژی، خطوط انتقال گاز و امنیت آنها در گفتمان ژئوپلیتیک انرژی، جایگاه ویژه یافته است. زمانی که تصمیم یک بازیگر به راهبردهای سایر بازیگران وابسته است نظریه بازیها ابزاری مناسب برای مدلسازی و تحلیل تعاملات راهبردی بین بازیگران است. در این تحقیق، مدل گراف برای تجزیه و تحلیل مناقشات بهمنظور بررسی و پیشبینی پیامدهای مناقشه گازی بین روسیه و اتحادیه اروپا بهکار گرفته شده است. علاوه بر روسیه و اتحادیه اروپا، کشورهای ترانزیتی که گاز روسیه بهوسیله خطوط لوله از خاک آنها عبور میکند نیز بهعنوان بازیگر سوم در نظرگرفته شدهاند. روش تحقیق مقاله حاضر توصیفی- تحلیلی است.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_55824_61ea16e45c3268eb2a68fdbc2039da4c.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923The Strategic Capacity of Iran in the
Peaceful Rise Doctrine of Chinaظرفیت استراتژیک ایران در دکترین خیزش صلحآمیز چین13916955825FAوجیههسادات پورنجفیمربی زبان چینی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتیشهروز شریعتیاستادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20140927Introduction <br />Sino Iranian relations are the product of competing incentives and interests which have evolved over time as policies and geostrategic orientation change. In the past decade, China has become Iran’s the main trading partner. Collaboration between Beijing and Tehran centers on China’s energy needs and Iran’s abundant resources and also includes significant non-energy economic ties, arms sales and defense cooperation, and geostrategic balancing against the United States. From this point of view, the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was unable to make institutionalized relations with the West, adopted a strategic and long-term approach towards Eastern actors such as China and Russia and planned to integrate agenda to propel the foreign policy in line with this objective. Iran also has tried to tie itself into surging flow of development and integrity in the East. This research attempts to answer this question that “What is Iran strategic capability for New Generation of Chinese Leaders in the China's Peaceful Rise era?” In response to this question, the research analyzes the Chinese strategic thinking, the sources to threat to international security and how to manage them as perceived by Chinese security elites and how it relates to Iran. Within this conceptual framework and as conclusion the paper argues that Chinese- Iranian relations are influenced by China's Peaceful Rise which limits its interactions with Iran to economic and energy sphere in a short and medium term. <br />Many of the studies in international relations are based on the effort to realize why and how some of the states unite with each other. Despite different studies in various paradigms in international relations, it seems that most of the international relations theories build a consensus on the matter that alliance is the reaction to domestic or foreign threats. Meanwhile Iran after the end of cold war demonstrates an inclination toward a new direction in foreign policy, which was dubbed as the "Look to the East" policy. With this in mind, it seemed the “Look to the East” policy can only serve Iran’s national interests, if it can remove any kind of dependence on the West and enforce a balanced foreign policy that could also widen Iran's foreign policy options. From this point of view, the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is unable to make institutionalized relations with the West, adopt a strategic and long-term approach towards Eastern actors such as China and Russia and plan to integrate agenda to propel the foreign policy in line with this objective. Iran also tries to tie itself into surging flow of development and integrity in the East. This article shows that, evolution of relations with China deal with challenges influenced by concurrent internal and external factors. It was also in this period when Iranian and Chinese leaders' attitudes to the behaviors of other side faced ups and downs and their interpretations and perceptions were also influenced by environmental variables; an issue which can affect the range of this relationship in the future. According this article, Sino Iranian relations are a product of competing incentives and interests which have evolved over time as policies and geostrategic orientation change. In the past decade, China became Iran’s the main trading partner. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />The research is descriptive- analytic in terms of nature and method. Data gathering procedure is based on library and field finding. In library procedure, using existing references in libraries, formal and valid statistic information are considered. Data analysis will be done using qualitative and quantitative analysis methods, and conclusion will be done using the two methods. <br /> <br />Discussion and conclusion <br />Middle East is considered as one of the most important areas for China. From China’s point of view, maintaining and expanding friendly relations and cooperation with Iran has a great role for China’s regional and international interests. In addition, Chinese-Iranian relations are rooted in both countries' having historical narratives that characterize the international system as unjust and dominated by Western powers. Iran views China as a potential ally against the United States and Beijing views Iran as a potential partner for limiting U.S. influence in the Middle East. The foundations of the economic partnership between Iran and China are Iran's abundant energy resources and China's growing energy needs, but China is not overwhelmingly dependent on the Islamic Republic for its energy needs; in contrast, Iran now depends on China as its chief diplomatic protector. Despite their energy cooperation, trade, and shared geopolitical interests, Iran and China have potentially divergent interests on a number of strategic issues in the Middle East. On the other side, China’s rise onto the world stage as one of the two largest economic powers has become an undeniable fact. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The Chinese government is increasingly more confident about its foreign policy options, and it is keen to assert China’s positions via peaceful means. As indicated by its energy diplomacy towards Iran, Beijing has made various efforts to showcase their desire to be a responsible stakeholder that is able to peacefully emerge as a world power. Overall, China in its dealings with Iran, assuming the continuation of current trends, can follow the following scenarios. The first scenario refers to the fact that international system will remain under the control of the United States. According to this scenario, cooperation between Iran and China will remain limited and there is not a great chance for Iran to expand relations with China. The second scenario may be the creation of China's hegemony. According to this scenario, China could balance against Western powers such as Europe and the US. But from the other side a powerful China can interfere in the Persian Gulf region and shrinking the space for Iranian foreign policy and force Iran to accept some of Beijing's will. Overall, the article argues that although, china is not completely satisfied with the established rules but is also keen to play a greater role in the rule making process and from this point of view Iran is not a strategic capacity for china leaders. <br /> <br /> جمهوری خلق چین بهعنوان بزرگترین اقتصاد جهان که از سویی برخوردار از فناوریهای مؤثر و از سوی دیگر دارای حوزه تمدنی متفاوت از غرب است، از جمله کشورهایی محسوب میشود که همواره در سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران از جایگاه ممتازی برخوردار بوده است. افزون بر این، نیاز رو به افزایش چین به منابع انرژی فسیلی، روابط تاریخی دوستانه ایران و چین بههمراه مخالفت چین با سیاستهای یکجانبهگرایانه آمریکا از دیگر عواملی هستند که در ظاهر بهنظر میرسد میتوانند تکوین روابط راهبردی ایران و چین را تسهیل کنند. با این وجود بهنظر میرسد روابط دو کشور بهواسطه نحوه تفکر رهبران نسل چهارم و پنجم چین همواره دستخوش فراز و نشیبهایی بوده است، بهگونهای که این روابط در حوزههای انرژی و اقتصاد محدود شده است. این پژوهش با مفروض گرفتن این نکته که روابط اقتصادی ایران و چین بویژه در حوزه انرژی طی سالهای پس از جنگ سرد افزایش قابل ملاحظهای یافته است، میکوشد تا امکانات و تهدیدات و فرصتهای ناشی از این رویداد را با تمرکز بر مطالعه منابع و اسناد چینی مربوط به انتخابهای استراتژیک بینالمللی چین در قرن 21 در دوره موسوم به خیزش صلحآمیز در سیاست خارجی چین مورد بررسی و سنجش قرار دهد و به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که ایران در انتخابهای نوین چین واجد چه میزان ظرفیت استراتژیک است؟ مقاله ضمن بررسی نگاه چین به نظام و امنیت بینالمللی پس از جنگ سرد و با بهرهگیری از آمار و دادههای مستند، این فرضیه را مورد بررسی قرار خواهد داد که: «بهنظر میرسد الزامات معرفتی و راهبردی در دکترین خیزش صلحآمیز چین، با وجود بازتولید عناصر هویتی و معرفتی مستقل از غرب، مانع از تحقق سطح عالی روابط بین جمهوری اسلامی ایران و جمهوری خلق چین در کوتاه مدت و میان مدت خواهد بود».<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_55825_54940126a4c09552a7a383f238c1d9b6.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923Geopolitical Challenges of Transboundary Ground Water Resources Governance; With Emphasis on Iranچالشهای ژئوپلیتیکی منابع آبهای زیرزمینی بینالمللی با تأکید بر منابع مشترک ایران17020455826FAمحمد فرشتهپوردانشجوی دکتری مهندسی منابع آب، دانشگاه تهرانبردیا روغنیدانشجوی دکتری مهندسی محیطزیست، دانشگاه تهرانحجت میانآبادیدانشجوی دکتری هیدروپلیتیک و دیپلماسی آب، دانشگاه دلفت، هلندJournal Article20150425Interodaction <br />From the past half-century, groundwater has become a vital source to supply water demand so that it accounts for 31 percent of the world's fresh water. The aquifers are ideal resources for local users, creating easy access and optimized storage. Due to increasing demand and competition over shared water resources, governance of these critical resources has changed from a local issue into a national and international challenge. Due to increasing dependency on groundwater, new challenges and problems about ownership, use, access, protection and development of these resources occurs, particularly when they cross political borders. In a continuous study, 592 international aquifers has identified that most of them belong to the continents of Europe and Asia. In some areas such as the Middle East, transboundary aquifers play a key role in providing irrigation and drinking water. So far, in comparison to surface water, there have been very little studies on international shared ground water governance in the world and especially in our country as well. <br /> <br />Methodology <br />In this study, the role of ground water in food and water security will be discussed. Then, given the importance of transboundary aquifers, legal challenges of governance of these resources are studied. Specifically, these challenges are investigated in the Middle East. Furthermore, the problems that Iran faces in utilization of northeastern and northwestern shared aquifers are explained. Finally, some guidelines are suggested for the management of transboundary aquifers. In this paper, the descriptive-analytic method is used for the analysis of the challenges facing transboundary aquifers beneficiaries, according to the quantity of resources and uses of groundwater. The data used in this study, is taken from the documentary, including books, magazines and domestic and foreign issues, statistical raw data, Internet search and documents related to the research. <br /> <br />Result and Discussion <br />Iran has 11 shared aquifers with the North Western and North Eastern neighbors. Due to the rapid development of water resources in the Afghanistan at the upstream position, drinking water supplies in north-eastern Iran would face a crisis. In addition, the lack of monitoring of shared and non-shared groundwater withdrawals have made most plains in Khorasan Razavi province. Therefore, with a comprehensive view, and using the experience of successful water cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan, the more resilient governance and sustainable management are necessary over exploitation of shared groundwater in this area. <br />In the West and North West of Iran, the Tigris and Euphrates as strategically important rivers caused the riparian countries focuses more on surface water rather than groundwater resources. This led to no Transboundary aquifer system agreements and joint cooperation between ripariancountries. Unilateral policies of Turkey which aims to develop water resources such as the “GAP” program and insecurity issues and mismanagement in Iraq as well as some Iranian plans over territorial waters have been drying wetlands and lakes in the Iraq. It has not only caused destructive dust storms, it has also resulted in the increasing groundwater withdrawal in Iraq, in which will cause serious crisis in the region in the near future. According to the fact that geopolitical significance of this area is tied to national security of neighbor countries, negotiation and cooperation over transboundary groundwater resources is essential. The interaction of surface water and groundwater in the Taurus/Zagros mountain belt requires that any cooperation should be based on the sustainable development and conjunctive use of these resources. Aquifers must be directly raised in all stages of negotiations. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />Results of this study show that the current crisis will be turned into opportunities only through the establishment of appropriate management and governance structures. Applying strategic and realistic planning based on international cooperation with respect to region capacities is also necessary. Transboundary aquifer governance needs to create an integrated and consistent knowledge base as a prerequisite, based on detailed knowledge of the shared aquifer. This recognition will not be possible, without cooperation over establishment of institutional system and groundwater hydrogeological information, such as the extent of the aquifer, its relationship with other aquifers, aquifer recharges and discharge and pollution sources. The lack of agreements and international treaties over shared groundwater resources between Iran and its riparian countries indicates that their interests are based on their national security issues. The results show that these countries seriously need a cooperative approach based on human security in the context of shared groundwater. <br /> <br /> از نیم قرن گذشته تاکنون، آبهای زیرزمینی به یک منبع حیاتی برای تأمین نیازهای آبی بدل شده است. باتوجه به افزایش تقاضا و رقابت بر سر برداشت از آبهای مشترک، حکمرانی و مدیریت این منابع از یک مسأله محلی به یک چالش ملی و بینالمللی تغییر پیدا کرده است. پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از شیوه توصیفی- تحلیلی، چالشهای حکمرانی بهرهبرداری از این منابع مشترک شناسایی و بهطور خاص، این چالشها در آبخوانهای مشترک ایران بررسی میگردد. در نهایت مشکلات پیشروی ایران در بهرهبرداری از آبخوان های مشترک تبیین شده و راهکارهای لازم برای مدیریت بهتر بهره برداری از آنها پیشنهاد می گردد. نتایج نشان میدهد که ایران با وجود 11 آبخوان مرزی در شمال غرب و شمال شرق و بحرانی بودن وضعیت 78 درصد منابع آب زیرزمینی خود و همچنین تحرکات منطقهای کشورهای همسایه، نیازمند اتخاذ رویکردی همکارانه مبتنی بر امنیت انسانی در زمینه آبهای زیرزمینی مشترک است.<br /> https://journal.iag.ir/article_55826_c99896e84495040f8eb6fef6e0668f82.pdfانجمن ژئوپلیتیک ایرانفصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک1735-4331113920150923The Pattern of Intervention by Global players in the Eastern Mediterranean Crisisالگوی مداخله بازیگران جهانی در بحران ساحل شرقی مدیترانه (نمونه لبنان و فلسطین)20523188102FAلینه بلاغیدانش آموخته جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانپیروز مجتهد زادهاستاد مدعو، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانعزت اله عزتیدانشیار، گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانJournal Article20120519Extended Abstract <br />Introduction <br />The unparalleled Palestinian, Lebanese, and “Israeli” conflict has proven to be an extremely complex and difficult problem to intervene in by the international and regional players. Numerous solutions have been presented to try to solve this issue, of which all proved ineffective in the long run. The issue has been a struggle for the preservation of the Lebanese and Palestinian identity and survival. However, based on historical events and the evaluation of both the spatial attributes and the geopolitical positions of these regions, the international and regional parties, regardless of the difficulties they face, have taken on a sort of pattern that they tend to follow when they plan on intervening in this crisis. This article will introduce us to the main parties involved, their methods and the goals they plan on achieving even since the beginning of this issue up until the year 2011. <br />Methodology <br />With a descriptive-analytical method, this study intended to find the mechanisms or the patterns of intervention of the global and regional parties, and the process by which they form. <br />Findings <br />The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes: <br /> <br /><strong>The Model of Controversial Transformation of the Conflict due to the Intervention in the Issues of the Small Geographical Places :</strong> Geographically smaller place with multiple issues à Entry of powers into its regional issues à Dealing with overlapping issues whilst providing different options ( if à then ) à Engaging with other local and regional parties which will be able to maneuver more à change in the influence and authority of the powers, whether in speech, political visions or dialogue à Entry of new players that would, in turn, create new issues and new visions or dialogues à once again, a geographically smaller place with multiple issues. <br /> <br /><strong> </strong> <br /> <br /><strong>Interventional Levels and Actors in the Geopolitical Crisis of the East Coast of the Mediterranean Sea: </strong>The magnitude and levels of intervention creates an impact on participants, regardless of the distance between the international force and the place of intervention, as opposed to the inevitable influence of neighboring regional forces. <br /> <br /><strong> </strong> <br /> <br /><strong>The Conflict in the Region Has Re-Divided the World and the Players into an Eastern and Western Camp: </strong>Making it the first division in the last two decades in the East Coast of the Mediterranean Sea, the last one being the division during the Cold War. <br /> <br /><strong> </strong> <br /> <br /><strong>The Subdivisions Imposed by the Equation Involving the Eastern Coast of the Mediterranean and the Identity of the Players.</strong> <br /> <br /><strong> </strong> <br /> <br /><strong>Relationships Within this Situation Are Not One-way Relationships: </strong>Foreign players are forced to accept that they aren’t alone when it comes to interests in the region, and that there is no one great power that, alone, reigns over the region.In the meantime, and due to the clash of interest between the foreign powers, the role and effectivity of local and regional power increases and becomes more prominent and visible. <br /> <br /> <br />Analysis <br />The geopolitical crisis has a degree of sustainability and continuity which is not easily solvable. Therefore, due to the prolonged investment in the Palestinian issue and its pivotal importance to the local, regional, and trans-regional parties, the intervention method has shifted over time.In addition to that, due to the continuous nature of the conflict and the efforts of the players to resolve it, we are witnessing changes in the way some parties moving from one party to another, and the emergence of new players, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, a factor that entails the modification of rules of the game and the redistribution of power. <br />The basic part of the conflict theory is to resolve the conflict while sustaining the interests of the parties involved, seeking to find an answer to the reduction (or increase) of the contradiction between them (Vayrynen, 1991: 4). Given the specific conditions of the conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean (Lebanon and Palestine-“Israel”), and the apparent role of political parties on different levels, and conflicts of interest and their sharing arrangements, this conflict has become, due to those overlapping issues and its global functioning, the source of many other violent, regional, and global conflicts. <br />The purpose of this passage is to study, from a geopolitical starting point, the reason behind the involvement of foreign parties and the pattern of interference they claim in the conflicts of the East Coast. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The results showed that The Eastern Mediterranean coast crisis has the following impacts on global and regional politics: <br />1- Interventions of transregional and global parties in a given region have a specific pattern that results from a region’s spatial characteristics and geopolitical position. <br />2. The struggle of the world powers leads to a reduction of high-level capabilities and an increase in the influence of local and regional powers. <br />3- The role local powers have in influencing the global security system as a consequence of the crisis (political-economic-ideological) and, ultimately, on the international institutions. <br />4. The inability of global powers to control the crisis alone, with their sole interest in mind, leads to the possible change in the global viewpoint with the progression of the conflict at hand (leads to a change in the geopolitical-geostrategic paradigm).<em>تنش فلسطینی، لبنانی- اسرائیلی، یکی از پیچیده ترین الگوهای دخالت بازیگران جهانی و منطقه ای،و شاید تنها نمونه از تنشهایی باشد که در آن شیوه های دخالت و راه های برون رفت از آن به دلیل امتداد یافتنش طی دهه های طولانی و دشواری اجرای آنان متعدد و ناکارآمد بوده است. چرا که این تنش، تنشی بر سرحق بقا و سرنوشت هویت ملتهای فلسطینی و لبنانی است. </em><br /> <em>اما با وجود این دشواریها میتوان بر اساس تجربههای تاریخی و مطالعهی خصیصه های مکانی و جایگاه ژئوپلیتیکی این مناطق مبانی نسبتا روشنی برای این دخالتها جهت حاصل کردن یک الگو ارائه کرد. در این نوشتار سعی خواهدشد تا بر بازیگران اصلی شیوه ها و اهداف آنان نظر افکنیم.</em><br /> <em>پرسش اصلی مقاله این است که 1- چرا بحران ساحل شرقى مدیترانه تا به حال قابل حل نبوده است؟ </em><br /> <em>2- مداخله بازیکران جهانی ومنطقه ای از چه فرایند و الگویی برخوردار است ؟</em><br /> <em> </em><em>3-رابطهی الگوی مداخلهی بازیگران و خصیصههای مکانی نمونهها چگونه است ؟</em><br /> <em>همچنین بازیگران را بر پایه نامگذاریهای متداول، به دو بخش تقسیم خواهیم کرد؛ اردوگاه شرق و اردوگاه غرب. تلاش کردیم با استناد بر برداشتهای موجود در این خصوص، تصویری از شبکه ارتباطات بازی قدرت ارائه دهیم که در آن به شکلی گذرا نگاهی کلی به تاریخ بحران کرده و پس از آن به تحولات بین المللی در اوایل قرن بیست و یکم که در آن آشکارا از خواست بین المللی و به خصوص آمریکا برای ساخت خاورمیانه بزرگ و جدید سخن گفته شد، خواهیم پرداخت</em><em>.</em><br /> <em> </em>https://journal.iag.ir/article_88102_af1e46720258d90cca07e2a3f072937b.pdf