فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک

فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک

الگوی تصمیم‌گیری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در بحران‌های سیاست خارجی: مطالعه تطبیقی پذیرش قطعنامه 598 و توافق برجام

نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان
1 دانشیار گروه مطالعات فرامنطقه‌ای و جهانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.
2 دانشیار گروه مطالعات ایران و جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.
3 دانشجوی کارشناسی‌ارشد رشته نظام قدرت جهانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.
10.22034/igq.2026.572350.2157
چکیده
این پژوهش به تحلیل الگوی تصمیم‌گیری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در مواجهه با دو بحران مهم سیاست خارجی، یعنی پذیرش قطعنامه ۵۹۸ شورای امنیت و توافق هسته‌ای(برجام)، از طریق مطالعه تطبیقی این دو پرونده می‌پردازد. هدف اصلی پژوهش، شناسایی مراحل و عوامل مؤثر بر فرایند تصمیم‌گیری نخبگان سیاسی ایران در این دو پرونده است. با استفاده از روش تطبیقی موردی و ردیابی فرایند و بهره‌گیری از مبانی نظری ادراکات نخبگان رابرت جرویس تلاش شده است به این پرسش پاسخ داده شود که الگوی تصمیم‌گیری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در دو پرونده قطعنامه ۵۹۸ و برجام چگونه شکل گرفته و چه متغیرهایی در تکوین آن نقش تعیین‌کننده داشته‌اند؟ فرضیه پژوهش نیز بدین صورت تدوین شده است که تصمیم‌گیری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در پذیرش قطعنامه ۵۹۸ و برجام، از الگویی منسجم و تکرارپذیر تبعیت می‌کند که شامل مراحل مقاومت اولیه، ارزیابی دیرهنگام هزینه - فایده و پذیرش مذاکره در شرایط فشار حداکثری است. این فرایند مبتنی بر تحلیل راهبردی نخبگان سیاسی در مواجهه با تحولات داخلی، منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی است که منجر به عقب‌نشینی نسبی و در حد اضطرار از مواضع ایدئولوژیک و انتخاب راهبرد دیپلماتیک می‌شود. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که تحریم‌های بین‌المللی، اجماع بین‌المللی و تهدیدات امنیتی، فشارهای اقتصادی و به‌تبع آن محدودشدن منابع مالی، کاهش درآمدهای ارزی و اختلال در عملکرد بخش‌های اقتصادی، در پذیرش قطعنامه ۵۹۸ و توافق هسته‌ای نقش تعیین‌کننده‌ای در تغییر ادراک نخبگان و سوق‌دادن آنان به بازنگری در موضع اولیه خود داشته است.
کلیدواژه‌ها

موضوعات


عنوان مقاله English

Decision-Making Pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Foreign Policy Crises: A Comparative Study of the Acceptance of Resolution 598 and the JCPOA

نویسندگان English

Mohammad Javad Zarif 1
Mohammad Samiei 2
Atrin Eskandari 3
1 Associate Professor-Department of Transregional and Global Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
2 Associate Professor Department of Iran and World Studie, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
3 Student of Master Degree Global Power System, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
چکیده English

Extended Abstract     
Introduction
Since its establishment, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been shaped within a complex interplay of ideological, institutional, and environmental factors, and has consistently been influenced by domestic, regional, and international conditions. One of the most salient features of this policy concerns how the political system responds to strategic crises and makes decisions under circumstances in which the continuation of the status quo entails escalating costs and policy options become progressively constrained. In such situations, high-level foreign policy decision-making reflects not only objective and material considerations, but also the perceptions, interpretations, and cognitive frameworks of political elites.
The acceptance of United Nations Security Council Resolution 598 in 1988 and the nuclear agreement (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA) in 2015 represent two historical and strategic turning points in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Both cases constitute paradigmatic instances of crisis situations in which comparative analysis can provide deeper insight into the logic of Iranian decision-making under pressure.
Although the acceptance of Resolution 598 and the JCPOA occurred in distinct temporal, political, and institutional contexts-and despite fundamental differences in the nature of the crises, the actors involved, and the structure of the international system-both cases unfolded under conditions of intense external pressure, severe domestic economic challenges, growing security threats, and a narrowing of strategic options. In both instances, the political system, following a period of resistance and steadfast opposition to external pressures and a reluctance to negotiate, ultimately consented to an agreement that was officially portrayed as a relative and emergency retreat from previously declared positions. This raises a central question: how did the decision-making pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran take shape in confronting these two crises, and which variables played a decisive role in its formation?
The study advances the hypothesis that Iran’s decision-making in accepting Resolution 598 and the JCPOA follows a coherent and recurring pattern that can be conceptualized as a three-stage model. This model consists of: (1) an initial phase of resistance and emphasis on a discourse of steadfastness; (2) a phase of delayed and insufficiently realistic cost–benefit assessment; and (3) a final phase marked by the acceptance of negotiation and agreement under conditions of maximum pressure and strategic urgency. Within this process, political elites tend to avoid strategic reassessment as long as dominant ideological and discursive narratives are capable of justifying the status quo. However, as pressures accumulate and the cost balance shifts, they are compelled to revise their positions and opt for a diplomatic course.
 
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework of the study is grounded in Robert Jervis’s elite perceptions approach, which underscores the role of perceptions, beliefs, misperceptions, and the interpretation of the international environment by decision-makers. From this perspective, foreign policy outcomes are not merely the result of rational responses to objective stimuli, but rather the product of interaction between structural realities and the ways in which political elites perceive and interpret those realities. Accordingly, delays in decision-making, the persistence of resistance, and the eventual acceptance of agreements under emergency conditions can be analyzed through the gradual transformation of elite perceptions regarding costs, threats, and opportunities.
 
Methodology
Methodologically, the article employs a combination of comparative case study analysis and process tracing. The comparative case study method enables a systematic comparison of the two historical cases within a shared theoretical framework, allowing for the examination of similarities and differences in decision-making across distinct structural, institutional, and temporal contexts. At the same time, process tracing focuses on the step-by-step reconstruction of the sequence of events, decisions, and perceptual shifts, thereby revealing the causal mechanisms influencing elite decision-making. This approach moves beyond reductionist explanations centered solely on material variables and highlights the significance of internal decision-making processes.
 
Findings
The findings indicate that in both cases, extensive international sanctions, the formation of a global consensus against the Islamic Republic of Iran, escalating security threats, domestic economic pressures, declining financial resources and foreign exchange revenues, and disruptions in the performance of key economic sectors played a decisive role in reshaping elite perceptions. In the case of Resolution 598, the continuation of a war of attrition, the loss of strategic territories-most notably the Faw Peninsula-the expansion of Iraq’s chemical attacks, declining oil revenues, and the risk of direct U.S. intervention gradually magnified the perceived costs of continuing the war among decision-makers. In the case of the JCPOA, the intensification of financial and oil sanctions, a sharp decline in oil exports, severe currency depreciation, and rising social discontent contributed to a reassessment of the feasibility of maintaining the status quo.
Nevertheless, in both cases, this perceptual shift did not occur in a preemptive manner, but rather under conditions in which policy options had become severely constrained and the costs of all available choices had increased substantially. Consequently, the acceptance of Resolution 598 and the nuclear agreement can be understood as emergency decisions aimed at exiting a deadlock, involving a relative retreat from ideological positions in order to preserve the overall system and manage the crisis. This suggests that the logic of decision-making in these two cases was shaped less by continuous and forward-looking assessments of environmental change than by dominant discourses and the gradual transformation of elite perceptions in response to accumulated pressures.
 
Conclousion
Overall, the study demonstrates that any analysis of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran that neglects the role of elite perceptions risks offering an incomplete and reductionist account. Decision-making in the acceptance of Resolution 598 and the JCPOA was not solely the result of objective shifts in the balance of power, but rather the outcome of the interaction between on-the-ground realities, structural pressures, and the ways in which these realities were interpreted by political elites. While the findings of this article are limited to two specific cases and cannot be generalized to all foreign policy crises of the Islamic Republic of Iran, they nonetheless provide an analytical framework that can be applied to the understanding of similar crises and to the analysis of Iran’s future behavior under conditions of pressure.

کلیدواژه‌ها English

Foreign policy
Islamic Republic of Iran
JCPOA
Resolution 598
Robert Jervis
1.    CNN. (2012). Iran finance minister: “Rest assured” record oil prices over nuclear sanctions. https://edition.cnn.com/2012/05/20/world/meast/iran-nuclear.
2.    Darabi, A; Ahadi, A. (2017). Media, foreign policy, and consensus-building in Iran’s nuclear program: A comparative study. Foreign Relations Quarterly, 9(1), 33–67. [In Persian]
3.    Dehghani Firoozabadi, S.J; Agahi, A. (2022). The approach of expediency in foreign policy decision-making of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Examining the adoption process of United Nations Security Council Resolution 598. Islamic Politics Research, 10(22), 62–111. .
4.    Dejpasand, F; Raoufi, H.R. (2008). Iran’s economy during the imposed war. IRGC Center for Sacred Defense Documents and Research. [In Persian]
5.    Doroudian, M. (2016). Analysis of the Iran–Iraq War: An introduction to a theory. Center for Sacred Defense Documents and Research. No official English title found.
6.    Doroudian, M. (2017). Analysis of the Iran–Iraq War. IRGC Center for Sacred Defense Documents and Research. [In Persian]
7.    Doroudian, M. (2023). Critique and review of the Iran–Iraq War (Vol. 5). IRGC Center for Sacred Defense Documents and Research.
8.    Doroudian, M. (2024). A look at the lessons and achievements of the war: Interviews with commanders and officials. IRGC Center for Sacred Defense Documents and Research.
9.    Hashemi Rafsanjani, A. (2010). Memoirs and records of 1987: Defense and politics (A. Hashem, Ed.). Maaref-e Enghelab Publishing. No official English title found. [In Persian]
10.      Hashemi Rafsanjani, A. (2010). Memoirs and records of 1988: End of defense, beginning of reconstruction (A. Hashem, Ed.). Maaref-e Enghelab Publishing. [In Persian]
11.      Hopf, T. (2018). Change in international practices. European Journal of International Relations, 24(3), 687–711. https://doi.org/10.1177/135406611 7718047.
12.      Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini’s Works. (1988). Message to the Iranian nation on the anniversary of the Mecca massacre and acceptance of Resolution 598. http://www.imam-khomeini.ir/fa/C207_44577. [In Persian]
13.      Jafari, M. (2014). The imposed war of Iraq against Iran from the perspective of statistics and figures. Institute for Political Studies and Research. [In Persian]
14.      Jamshidi, M. (2013). Sanction; U.S. tool to change Iran’s nuclear calculation. Strategic Studies Quarterly, 16(62), 119–156.
15.      Jervis, R. (1976). Perception and misperception in international politics. Princeton University Press.
16.      Mercer, J. (2010). Emotional beliefs. International Organization, 64(1), 1–31. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818309990221.
17.      Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of Ayatollah Khamenei. (2013, November 20). Remarks at the meeting with fifty thousand Basij commanders. https://khl.ink/f/24552. [In Persian]
18.      Poursaeed, F. (2016). Logic and criteria for evaluating the JCPOA. In Barjam: Policies, achievements, and requirements. Strategic Studies Research Institute.
19.      Renani, M. (2021). The political economy of Iran’s nuclear dispute: An introduction to the passage of civilizations. Noe Elm Press. [In Persian]
20.      Rezaei, M. (2011). War as narrated by the commander: War lecture series. Foundation for the Preservation and Publication of Sacred Defense Values.
21.      Rongkas, C.R; Sulaiman, Y. (2019). Leaders, perception, and foreign policy. Jurnal Academia Praja, 2(1), 89–101.
22.      Samiei, M. (2019). Rethinking the Historical Relationship between Political Transformations and Economic Transformations in Iran (1891-2018). Research Letter of Political Science, 14(3), 59–86.
23.      Samiei, M. (2025). The power struggle in the Islamic Republic era. Nashr-e Ney.
24.      Shapouri, M. (2016). Logic and criteria for evaluating the JCPOA. In Barjam: Policies, achievements, and requirements. Strategic Studies Research Institute. [In Persian]
25.      Soltani Gard Faramerzi, M; Ashrafi, A. (2018). Comparison of nuclear discourse in the foreign policy of the ninth and tenth governments with the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. International Relations Studies Quarterly, 11(42), 103–131. [In Persian]
26.      United Nations Security Council. (1987). Security Council Resolution 598 (1987). United Nations Digital Library. https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/ 137345.
27.      Wendt, A. (1999). Social theory of international politics. Cambridge University Press.
28.      Zarif, M.J. (2007). Tackling the Iran–US crisis: The need for a paradigm shift. Journal of International Affairs, 60(2), 73–94.
29.      Zarif, M.J. (2024). The estuary of patience: Reflections on eight years of ministry. Ettela’at Publishing. [In Persian]
30.      Zarif, M.J; Salehi, A; Araghchi, A; Takht-Ravanchi, M.S. (2021). Raz-e sar be mohr [The sealed secret] (3rd ed., Vols. 1–6). Tehran, Iran: Nashr Ettela’at. ISBN: 978 600 435 150 8.
31.     Ramazani, R. (2013). Independence without Freedom: Iran's Foreign Policy, Published by: University of Virginia Press.
32.      Alaei, Hossein. (2025). Iran and Iraq's Strategies in the 8-Year War. Tehran: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Sacred Defense Documentation and Research Center.
33.      Al-Samarrai, Wafiq. (2022). The Destruction of the Eastern Gate (Translated by Adnan Qarouni). Tehran: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Center for Sacred Defense Documentation and Research
دوره 22، شماره 1
بهار 1405
صفحه 231-259

  • تاریخ دریافت 10 بهمن 1404
  • تاریخ بازنگری 06 اسفند 1404
  • تاریخ پذیرش 12 اردیبهشت 1405